Roman Republican Army. The military organization of Rome in the sacred legal aspect

By the 3rd century. BC. Rome became the strongest state in Italy. In continuous wars such a perfect instrument of attack and defense was forged - the Roman army. Its entire strength usually amounted to four legions, that is, two consular armies. Traditionally, when one consul went on a campaign, the second remained in Rome. If necessary, both armies operated in different theaters of war.

The legions were accompanied by allied contingents of infantry and cavalry. The legion of the Republic era itself consisted of 4,500 people, 300 of them were horsemen, the rest were infantry: 1,200 lightly armed soldiers (velites), 1,200 heavily armed soldiers of the first line (hastati), 1,200 heavy infantry made up the second line (principles) and the last 600, the most experienced warriors represented the third line (triarii).

The main tactical unit in the legion was the maniple, consisting of two centuries. Each century was commanded by a centurion, one of them was also the commander of the entire maniple. The maniple had its own banner (badge). Initially it was a bundle of hay on a pole, then a bronze image of a human hand, a symbol of power, was attached to the top of the pole. Below, military awards were attached to the banner staff.

The armament and tactics of the Roman army in ancient times did not differ significantly from those of the Greeks. However, the strength of the Roman military organization lay in its exceptional flexibility and adaptability: as the wars that the Romans fought, they borrowed the strengths of enemy armies and changed their tactics depending on the specific conditions in which a particular war was fought.

Infantryman's weapons. Thus, the traditional heavy weapons of the infantryman, similar to the hoplite weapons of the Greeks, changed as follows. The solid metal armor was replaced by chain mail or plate armor, which was lighter and less restrictive to movement. Leggings were no longer used, because instead of a round metal shield, a semi-cylindrical one (scutum) about 150 cm high appeared, covering the entire body of the warrior, except for the head and feet. It consisted of a plank base covered with several layers of leather. The edges of the scutum were bound with metal, and in the center it had a convex metal plaque (umbon). The legionnaire had soldier's boots (kaligs) on his feet, and his head was protected by an iron or bronze helmet with a crest (for a centurion, the crest was located across the helmet, for ordinary soldiers - along).

If the Greeks had a spear as their main type of offensive weapon, the Romans had a short (about 60 cm) sword made of high-quality steel. The traditional Roman double-edged, pointed sword (gladius) has a rather late origin - it was borrowed from Spanish soldiers when the Romans experienced its advantages in hand-to-hand combat. In addition to the sword, each legionnaire was armed with a dagger and two throwing spears. The Roman throwing spear (pilum) had a long (about a meter), thin tip made of soft iron, ending with a sharply sharpened and hardened sting. At the opposite end, the tip had a groove into which a wooden shaft was inserted and then secured. Such a spear could also be used in hand-to-hand combat, but it was designed primarily for throwing: piercing into the enemy’s shield, it bent so that it was impossible to pull it out and throw it back. Since several such spears usually hit one shield, it had to be thrown, and the enemy remained defenseless against the attack of a closed formation of legionnaires.

Battle tactics. If initially the Romans acted in battle as a phalanx, like the Greeks, then during the war against the warlike mountain tribes of the Samnites they developed a special manipulative tactic, which looked like this.

Before the battle, the legion was usually built along maniples, in 3 lines, in a checkerboard pattern: the first was made up of maniples of the hastati, the second of the principles, and the triarii stood at a slightly greater distance from them. Cavalry lined up on the flanks, and light infantry (velites), armed with darts and slings, marched in front of the front in loose formation.

Depending on the specific situation, the legion could form the continuous formation necessary for the attack, either by closing the maniples of the first line, or by pushing the maniples of the second line into the intervals between the maniples of the first. Triarii maniples were usually used only when the situation became critical, but usually the outcome of the battle was decided by the first two lines.

Having reformed from the pre-battle (chessboard) formation, in which it was easier to maintain formation, into the combat one, the legion moved at an accelerated pace towards the enemy. The velites made up the first wave of attackers: having pelted the enemy formation with darts, stone and lead balls from slings, they then ran back to the flanks and into the spaces between the maniples. The legionnaires, finding themselves 10-15 m from the enemy, rained down a hail of spears and pilums on him and, drawing their swords, began hand-to-hand combat. At the height of the battle, cavalry and light infantry protected the legion's flanks and then pursued the fleeing enemy.

Camp. If the battle went badly, the Romans had the opportunity to find protection in their camp, which was always set up, even if the army stopped for only a few hours. The Roman camp was rectangular in plan (however, where possible, natural fortifications of the area were also used). It was surrounded by a ditch and rampart. The top of the rampart was additionally protected by a palisade and was guarded by sentries around the clock. In the center of each side of the camp there was a gate through which the army could enter or exit the camp at short notice. Inside the camp, at a distance sufficient to prevent enemy missiles from reaching it, the tents of soldiers and commanders were set up - in a once and for all determined order. In the center stood the commander's tent - the praetorium. In front of her there was free space, sufficient to line up an army here, if the commander required it.

The camp was a kind of fortress that the Roman army always carried with them. It happened more than once that the enemy, having already defeated the Romans in a field battle, was defeated when attempting to storm the Roman camp.

Subjugation of Northern and Central Italy. Continuously improving their military organization, using the troops of conquered peoples (the so-called allies) to strengthen themselves, the Romans at the beginning of the 3rd century. BC. subjugated Central and Northern Italy. In the struggle for the South, they had to face such a dangerous and previously unknown enemy as Pyrrhus, king of the Greek state of Epirus and one of the most talented commanders of the Hellenistic era.

1. Name the main periods of world history, highlight their characteristic features 3
2. What is anthropogenesis, what are its main stages? 4
3. What is sociogenesis, what are its main stages? 6
4. Name the main theories of politogenesis, evaluate the degree of their reliability 7
5. Describe the main periods in the history of primitive society 9
6. What is the “Neolithic revolution” and what are its consequences? eleven
7. In which states of the Ancient East did the despotic form of government reach its greatest development? What was this connected with? 12
8. How did the Egyptian version of the development of society and the state differ from the Mesopotamian one? 13
9. Highlight the main forms of states of the ancient world, determine their characteristic features and features 15
11. What are the differences between ancient civilization and ancient Eastern civilization? 17
12. What were the causes and results of Akhenaten’s religious reform in Egypt? 21
13. Name the main states of Ancient Mesopotamia, indicate their main features 24
15. Name the main civilizations of South and East Asia, evaluate their contribution to world history and culture 27
16. Why did the most ancient civilization of Greece arise in Crete? Compare the Minoan civilization and the civilizations of the Ancient East 30
17. Why did the Minoan and Mycenaean civilizations perish? 32
18. Describe the changes that occurred in the political organization and economy of Greece in the 12th-8th centuries. BC. 34
19. What is a policy, what are its main types? 38
20. What are the main stages of the formation of the Athenian polis 39
21. What are the features of the policy in Sparta? 42
22. Give a comparative description of Athens and Sparta 43
23. Why did the Peloponnesian War break out? How can we explain the victory of Sparta in this war? 45
24. Describe the features of the crisis of the policy in the 4th century. BC. 47
25. Why the campaign against the Persians in the 4th century. BC. was led by Macedonia, and not by any other Greek state? 50
26. Why did Greek civilization achieve a greater level of political and economic development than any of the ancient Eastern civilizations? 53
27. What was the historical feature of the Hellenistic era? 55
28. Name the main states of the Hellenistic world, characterize their political structure and level of economic development 56
29. What was the reason for the emergence of Christianity in the Middle East at the turn of the era? 59
30. Why did the Hellenistic civilization turn out to be weaker than Rome? 62
31. Analyze the legends about the founding of Rome. What was the reason for their appearance? 65
32. Describe the royal period in the history of the Roman state. What were the functions of the Roman kings and why at the end of the 6th century. BC. Did Rome give up royal power? 67
33. What are the social and governmental structure of Ancient Rome during the Republican period? 70
34. List the main military campaigns of the Roman state in the V – I centuries. BC. What territories were captured by Rome? Why were the Roman conquests so successful? 72
35. Describe the military reform of Gaius Marius. How did it influence the development of Roman society and the state? 77
36. Name the generals who ruled the Roman state in the 1st century. BC. Compare the political regimes established by them. What was the reason for the transfer of power in Rome to the military? 79
37. What was the reason for Rome's transition from Republic to Empire? 82
38. How did the political system of the Roman Empire change during the 1st–5th centuries? 84
39. Why Rome was forced to abandon its conquests at the beginning of the 2nd century. AD? How did this affect the development of civilization? 86
40. Describe the crisis of Roman society and state in the 3rd century. AD What was the reason for the appearance of “soldier emperors”? 88
41. What is tetrarchy? What was the reason for the establishment of such a system of power? 90
42. Why did Roman emperors in the 4th century. AD accepted Christianity and why didn't they do it earlier? 92
43. Name the main features of late Roman society and state 95
44. Compare the Western Roman Empire and the Eastern Roman Empire. What were the differences between the two parts of the once united state? What was the reason for this and how did it influence their development? 98
45. List the reasons for the fall of the Western Roman Empire 100

For many decades, the army of Rome had no equal. The external enemies of the republic, and then the empire, one after another collapsed under the ramming blow of the cohorts, overshadowed by the shadow of the golden eagle. The Romans thought through everything to the smallest detail and created an organizational masterpiece of their time, deservedly called the “war machine.”

During the years of the empire, the army of Rome consisted of praetorian cohorts, legions, auxiliaries (auxiliary troops), numeri and several other types of armed units.

To begin with, a few words about the praetorians, in fact, the emperor’s personal guard. Their cohorts were called aquitatae and were approximately 80% foot soldiers. Each consisted of 10 centuries, commanded by a tribune. The number of cohorts and their numbers could vary, but on average the Roman Empire had 9–10 cohorts of 500 people each. Overall command of the praetorians was exercised by two praetorian prefects. The identifying mark of the cohorts was a scorpion. Their main location was a military camp in the vicinity of Rome. Three cohorts urbanae were also located there. As the name suggests, these units were responsible for security and order within Rome.

Praetorians. Column of Marcus Aurelius

Also present in the capital of the empire were the emperor's personal cavalry - eqiuites singulars Augusti (from 500 to 1000 people) and his personal bodyguards - Germans from the Batavian tribe. The latter were called corporis custodes and numbered up to 500 soldiers.

The most numerous and at the same time the most famous part of the Roman army are the legions (legio). During the period of reforms of Emperor Octavian Augustus (31 BC - 14 AD), there were 25 legions. Each had its own number and name, originating from the place of formation or from the name of the one who formed the legion. The common emblem of the largest military formations in Rome were golden eagles, which the soldiers treated as sacred relics.

Each legion consisted of approximately 5,000 men (mostly infantry) and included 10 cohorts. The cohort was divided into six centuries, approximately 80 people each. The only exception was the first cohort. It consisted of five centuries of double strength, that is, of approximately 800 people.

Centuria - cohort - legion

Each legion consisted of 120 horsemen. This has been the standard amount for a very long time. It was not until the time of Emperor Gallienus (253–268 AD) that the legion's cavalry numbers grew to 726 men.

Among the 59 centurions of the legion, the highest in rank was the primipile, who commanded the first century of the first cohort. The legion also included five tribunes angusticlavia from among the equestrian class of Rome and one or more six-month tribunes who commanded the cavalry. One person served as camp prefect. The Senate aristocracy, or even the emperor himself, was represented in the legion by one tribune laticlavius. The commander of the legion until the time of Emperor Gallienus was the legate.

For about 200 years, from 28 BC. and until the end of the 2nd century AD, Rome lost eight legions for various reasons, but formed twice as many instead. This brought the total number of legions to 33.

List of destroyed or disbanded legions of the Roman Empire

List of newly formed legions of the Roman Empire

	Number and name	Year of creation of the legion
	Legio XV Primigenia
	Legio XXII Primigenia
	Legio I Adjutrix
	Legio VII Gemina
	Legio II Adiutrix	69−79 AD
	Legio IV Flavia Felix	69−79 AD
	Legio XVI Flavia Firma	69−79 AD
	Legio I Minervia
	Legio II Traiana Fortis
	Legio XXX Ulpia Victrix
	Legio II Italica
	Legio III Italica
	Legio I Partica
	Legio II Parthica
	Legio III Parthica

The second component of the Roman army, comparable in size to legions, were auxiliary troops - auxiliaries. As a rule, equal numbers of auxiliary troops marched with the legions on a military campaign. Each auxiliary unit consisted of 500 to 1,000 infantry or cavalry. The units into which the auxiliary troops were divided were in turn divided into cohorts, als and numeri (units).

The most privileged among the auxiliaries were the mounted units - aly. Each of them consisted of 16–24 turmas with 30–32 horsemen each. Scarlet was commanded by a prefect or tribune. The unit could include both heavily armed horsemen, like cataphracts, and light cavalry, unprotected and armed only with a shield and javelins. Among other things, there were exotic ala dromedarii - camel riders for war in the deserts.

Ala auxiliaries. Trajan's Column

The infantry cohorts of the auxiliary troops were divided into six or ten centuries, depending on whether they were five hundred or thousand strong. They, like the cavalry alai, were commanded by tribunes or prefects. The status of auxiliary cohorts depended on who recruited them. For example, some of the cohorts were recruited on a voluntary basis from citizens of Rome and were equated in status to legionnaires. In the cohorts whose status was less honorable, free residents of the Roman Empire who did not have the rank of citizen served. Citizenship, along with the benefits due to him, was a reward for 25 years of service in the auxiliaries.

The infantry cohorts of the auxiliary troops varied greatly in both armament and functional tasks. They could be heavy, as close as possible to legions. They could be “medium” in terms of the severity of their weapons - as a rule, such units were recruited in different regions of the empire. The light infantry of the auxiliaries were armed with various throwing devices (Balearic slingers, Cretan and Syrian archers).

There could even be mixed cohorts of auxiliaries - they included both infantry and cavalry. If this was a cohort of five hundred, then it included six centuries of foot and three cavalry. If the thousandth, then 10 centuries of infantry and six turmoil of horsemen.

An auxiliary with a severed head in his teeth. Trajan's Column

Auxiliary units were called by the name of the people from which their original composition was recruited (cohorts Afrorum, Thracum, Dalmatorum, ala Hispanorum, Pannoniorum), or by the name of the unit commander (the most famous example is ala Siliana). Often the name of the emperor by whose will the cohort was created (cohorts Augusta, Flavia, Ulpia), honorary titles (Faithful, Pious, Victorious) and clarifications (sagittariorum - archers, veteran - veteran) were added to the name. Cohorts often moved around the Roman Empire fighting, and could completely lose their original ethnic composition, as losses were replenished right where the unit was located at that moment.

A separate phenomenon in the Roman army were numeri. This unit name was used in two meanings. The first is any detachment that was not a legion, scarlet or cohort. An example would be the legate's personal bodyguards. The second meaning referred to a group of warriors who were not Romans and retained their ethnic characteristics. This category appeared during the reign of Emperor Domitian (81–96 AD).

Horse ala and numeri. Trajan's Column

Numeri could be mounted, on foot, mixed and varied in number. Researchers explain the appearance of this kind of units by the fact that in the 2nd century a stream of Roman citizens and Romanized stateless residents of the empire poured into the ranks of the auxilaries. It was considered undesirable to combine barbarians and Romans in one unit, so something new had to be created.

Essentially, in the 2nd century, numeri became what auxiliaries had been before. These varied units not only gave Roman tactics flexibility and variety. They performed a social function, contributing to the process of Romanization of the provinces.

If you evaluate the total number of troops that the Roman Empire had in the 1st–2nd centuries AD, you will see that it was constantly growing. At the beginning of the reign of Octavian Augustus, the army consisted of approximately 125 thousand legionaries, approximately the same number of auxiliaries, a ten thousand Roman garrison and a fleet (most likely up to 40 thousand people). Total - approximately 300 thousand soldiers. By the end of the reign of Emperor Septimius Severus (193–211 AD), researchers estimate that the number of troops had grown to approximately 450 thousand people.

Legion diagram. From P. Connolly’s encyclopedia “Greece and Rome”

The legions were stationed in different provinces of the Roman Empire. Troops based in the interior ensured security in the region. And if the legion stood on the border, then the territory of war invariably stretched around it, where wars and skirmishes did not stop. When the peace of the Pax Romana was once again violated, the time came for a new military campaign.

To be continued

Sources and literature:

1. Vegetius Flavius ​​Renat. Brief summary of military affairs/Trans. from lat. S. P. Kondratyeva. - VDI, 1940, No. 1.
2. Tacitus Cornelius. Annals. Small works. History/Edition prepared by A. S. Bobovich, Y. M. Borovsky, G. S. Knabe and others. M., 2003.
3. Flavius ​​Joseph. Jewish War/Trans. from Greek Ya. L. Chertka. St. Petersburg, 1900.
4. Le Boek Ya. The Roman army of the era of the early empire / Transl. from fr. M., 2001.
5. Makhlayuk A.V. Army of the Roman Empire. Essays on traditions and mentality. N. Novgorod., 2000.
6. Makhlayuk A.V. Roman legions in battle. Moscow., 2009.
7. Connolly P. Greece and Rome. The evolution of military art over 12 centuries: Encyclopedia of military history: Trans. from English M., 2001.
8. Boltinskaya L.V. On the question of the principles of recruiting the Roman army under the Julius-Claudians (according to military diplomas) // Questions of General History. Vol. 3. Krasnoyarsk, 1973. p. 18–23.

Introduction

1.1 Reformation Maria

1.2 High command

1.3 Legions

1.4 Praetorian Guard

1.5 Roman garrison

2.1 Recruitment and training

2.3 Everyday life

Chapter III. Fleet

3.1 Roman fleet

3.2 Rome's heavy fleet

4.2 Defensive weapons

4.3 Equipment weight

5.1 Battle of Cannae

5.2 Battle of Cynoscephalae

5.3 Battle of Carrhach

Conclusion

Bibliography

Application

Introduction

and II centuries. AD in the history of the Roman state - an era of gradual transition from a policy of territorial expansion to defense. This was the period of maximum power and the beginning of the inevitable decline of ancient civilization.

By the beginning of the new millennium, Rome had extended its power over the entire Mediterranean. In the 1st century the conquests were still ongoing. Octavian Augustus (27 BC – 14 AD) completed the conquest of Spain. Through the efforts of his successor Tiberius (14-37), the power of Rome extended to the Danube. Under Claudius (41-54), the eagles of the Roman legions established themselves across the English Channel. Under Marcus Ulpius Trajan (98-117), Dacia submitted to Roman arms. This was the last major conquest.

At the beginning of the 2nd century. the empire reached the apogee of its power. The process of expanding the territory has stopped. Even a new Hannibal, if he were to be found among the enemies of Rome, would not now be able to lead his army to the gates of the “Eternal City”. The Pax Romanum ("Roman Peace"), stretching from the Baltic to the African deserts, from Ireland to the Caucasus, became increasingly closed in on itself. From that time on, the borders of the empire began to be covered with continuous defensive structures.

Naturally, to protect such vast lands, the state inevitably had to rely on impressive military force. In countless wars of previous centuries, a military structure was formed, the most advanced of those that the Ancient World knew - the Roman army. Thanks to the army and a well-functioning administrative system, a motley conglomerate of regions (provinces), inhabited by a variety of peoples who worshiped different gods, became a single empire.

Speaking about the army of Rome in the 1st-2nd centuries... we must not forget that it was not only a military, but also a political force, which often had decisive importance in the brutal struggle for power that flared up in Rome in the 1st century. BC. - I century AD Each of the contenders for power in the state increasingly relied on the legions that joined him, winning their loyalty with flattery and gifts. Neither Caesar, nor Pompey, nor Mark Antony, nor Octavian Augustus disdained such techniques. They tried to gather as many troops as possible under their banner. The number of legions was far from the last argument in the division of power falling from the hands of the decrepit republic. Since the period of civil strife ( Civil wars) the demands of soldiers for increased pay, distribution of extraordinary awards or premature retirement began to make tangible adjustments to the course of many events. It often happened that legions, attracted by more generous promises, abandoned their former master and went over to his enemy.

Objectives and purpose of the study.

The object is the development of the Roman army during the existence of the Roman state as a generally recognized military-political force.

Research objectives:

· Show changes and innovations to the legions throughout Roman history

· consider the originality and features of the auxiliary services of the legions

· explore the roman fleet

· consider the legion camp and the life of the legions in peacetime

· show the importance of strategy and tactics in the battles of the Roman legions

When writing this work, I relied on the following sources:

Winkler P. von. Illustrated history of weapons. - The book is an illustrated work that combines unique information about bladed, throwing and firearms that people of the ancient world and the Middle Ages fought with, including our ancestors in Russia.

Brief sketch of Roman antiquities / Compiled by N. Sanchursky. - Tutorial for gymnasiums, pre-gymnasiums and self-study, it went through over five editions only in pre-revolutionary times. The idea of ​​compiling a Brief Essay on Roman Antiquities belonged to a special commission of the St. Petersburg educational district and was carried out by a team of authors headed by former district inspector N.V. Sanchursky. The book is still an indispensable tool for studying ancient Roman history. It is addressed to teachers and students of higher educational institutions, students of gymnasiums, lyceums, schools, and a wide range of readers.

Mashkin N.A. History of ancient Rome. - This source represents the history of ancient Rome, completing the history of antiquity, and is one of the important stages of world history. The book talks about the source study and historiography of ancient Rome, pre-Roman Italy, the era of the early republic, the era of civil wars, the era of the early and late empire. The textbook was subjected to some reduction due to material that went beyond the scope of the university course on the history of ancient Rome. Individual changes and clarifications were also made, which did not in any way change the basic provisions of the textbook. When making most of the clarifications, material from both printed and unpublished works of N.A. was used. Mashkina. The text was prepared for publication and edited by A.G. Bokshchanin with the participation of M.N. Mashkina.

Suetonius Gaius Tarquil. The Life of the Twelve Caesars. - The book aims to highlight “The Lives of the Twelve Caesars” not so much as a historical monument, but as a literary monument. Therefore, the question of how true the images of emperors drawn by Suetonius correspond to reality is almost not touched upon here: the given details and parallels from other sources should only complement the general picture of the first century of the empire that had developed in Roman historiography by the beginning of the 2nd century. AD and remained decisive for all posterity’s ideas about the first Caesars. Of the realities, the notes do not explain the most famous ones, information about which can be found in any textbook (consul, praetor, triumph, province, etc.). All the most important dates are included in the chronological index, all names are included in the personal index, most geographical names are included on the map at the end of the book.

Tacitus Cornelius. Essays. - Publius or Gaius Cornelius Tacitus (c. 55 - c. 117 AD) - ancient Roman historian and one of the great representatives of world literature. Tacitus was born around 55 AD. According to the tastes of the era, he received a thorough but purely rhetorical education. In 78 he married the daughter of the famous commander Agricola; Rich life experience imprinted on his highly tuned soul; vivid memories of his older contemporaries about the beginning of the empire, firmly assimilated by his deep mind; careful study of historical monuments - all this gave him a large supply of information about the life of Roman society in the 1st century. AD Imbued with the political principles of antiquity, faithful to the rules of ancient morality, Tacitus felt the impossibility of implementing them in the public arena in an era of personal rule and depraved morals; this prompted him to serve the good of his homeland with the word of a writer, telling his fellow citizens about their destinies and teaching them goodness by depicting the surrounding evil: Tacitus became a moral historian.

Flavius ​​Joseph. Jewish War. - “The Jewish War” is a valuable source on the history of Judea and the uprising of the Jews against the Romans in 66-71. - from a direct participant and leader of the uprising. It was first described by Josephus Flavius ​​(37-100), the famous Jewish historian and military leader, eyewitness and participant in the events. Before him, the Jewish wars were, as a rule, described in the spirit of sophists and by such people, some of whom, not being themselves witnesses to the events, used inaccurate, contradictory rumors, while others, although they were eyewitnesses, distorted the facts either out of flattery to the Romans, or out of hatred for the Jews, as a result of which their writings contain either condemnation or praise, but by no means a real and accurate history. The original work of Josephus was written in Greek., Peter. Greece and Rome at War. Englewood Cliffs NT. - Represents an encyclopedia of the military history of Greece and Rome. Tells about the evolution of military art over 12 centuries.

In addition, when writing the work, Internet sources were used on the history of the Roman army in the imperial era.

army ancient rome legion

Chapter I. Composition and organization of the army

The army consisted of heavily armed legionary infantry (milites legionarii), lightly armed infantry and cavalry. Lightly armed infantry (archers, slingers, javelin throwers) and horsemen were called auxiliary troops (auxilia) and were divided into detachments of 400-500 people. In the infantry, the units were called cohorts (cohortes), in the cavalry, alami (alae).

1.1 Reformation Maria

The emperors inherited from the Roman Republic a completely combat-ready army. The most important milestone in its history was the reform carried out under the consulate of Gaius Marius (first elected consul in 107 BC). The essence of the reform was the abolition of the property qualification for recruitment into the army and the introduction of regular pay for service. Previously, every warrior had to have some kind of property. These were mostly peasants who owned small plots of land. In the process of the total ruin of the peasants, who were forced out of the markets by the owners of large lands (latifundia), who used the free labor of masses of slaves, the number of Roman citizens who had the property qualification necessary to serve in the army became by the end of the 2nd century. - beginning of the 1st century BC. decline rapidly. It could get to the point where there would be no one to staff the invincible Roman legions. There was one more important circumstance. According to previous laws, after the end of the war, soldiers returned to their peaceful activities, which affected the combat effectiveness of the troops, because the training of soldiers was interrupted. In addition, not everyone showed a willingness to leave home, no matter how good a citizen he was. It often happened that an indomitable Roman warrior could, returning to his native hearth, see his house and plot of land captured by a rich and powerful neighbor. Homeless and hungry quirites (full-fledged Roman citizens) with numerous families replenished the crowds of the unemployed rabble, which gathered en masse in large cities and, above all, in Rome. These beggars, who defeated all the enemies of Rome, became very dangerous for the rich because of their numbers and aggressiveness.

The decision to recruit volunteers ready to serve the fatherland for some bribe eliminated this problem. After the reform, the Roman army transformed from a militia into a standing professional army (exercitus perpetuus). All warriors (except for foreign mercenaries, recruited as needed) were constantly in camps where they underwent military training.

Now the army received a stronger organization and a clear hierarchy of command, as well as opportunities for educating and training troops.

Campaigns promised booty, and the soldiers were ready to endure hardships. The authority of a successful commander among them could rise to heights unattainable for a non-military politician. But the soldiers, deceived in their hopes of enrichment, could just as easily turn to rebellion against the previously idolized commander.

1.2 High command

The emperor had full military power. The control of the troops was carried out through legates (legati) appointed by them. They were the highest immediate commanders over the troops. During the time of Julius Caesar, legates were only commanders of the legions. The legates of the legions (legatus legionis) belonged to the class of senators and, as already mentioned, were appointed by the emperor himself. In some cases, a legate could combine command of a legion with the post of provincial governor. Then the legion of such a legate, as a rule, was stationed further away in order to protect the legate from the temptation to use it to seize power in the province and betray the emperor, but this precaution did not always help.

Slightly lower in the service hierarchy were military prefects and tribunes. Prefects, who had a higher rank, commanded cavalry units (praefectus equitum), fleets (praefectus classis) or were direct assistants to the commander (praefectus fabrum) 3. Both of them could command separate detachments. The Roman high command as a whole did not have the strict hierarchy that exists in modern armies, and had a slightly different character. The ranks of officers had not only military, but also administrative significance. It is almost impossible to distinguish between these values.

1.3 Legions

The legions were the main striking force and pride of Rome throughout almost its entire history. At the time Augustus came to power, the Roman army numbered more than 60 legions - an exorbitant number for the state treasury, generated by countless civil wars, when each contender for power created new legions. These legions were far from equal in quality of training. Octavian Augustus, who remained at the pinnacle of power in splendid isolation, retained only 28 legions. The total number of the army during this period fluctuated between 300-400 thousand people, of which about 150 thousand were legionnaires, i.e. heavily armed infantry.

But even the reorganized Roman army sometimes suffered serious setbacks. After the defeat of three legions (XVII, XVIII and XIX) under the command of Varus by the Germans in the Teutoburg Forest (9 AD) they were not restored.

By the end of Augustus's reign, there were 25 legions in the army (after the death of three legions in the Teutoburg Forest). The rulers who inherited his power did not greatly change their number, especially since Rome had few territorial claims. In the 1st century - early 2nd century conquests were “limited” to Dacia, Britain, and Mauritania. Temporarily, and even then rather symbolically, Parthia was subordinated. Subsequently, the empire had to defend itself more.

Claudius created two legions to conquer Britain in 42. After the stormy year 69, when several emperors were replaced in a row, nominated by legions located in different parts of the empire, two of the four German legions were left. Only at the beginning of the reign of Domitian (81-96) another legion was created. The total number of legions reached 30. Subsequently, two legions were lost in different wars. Emperor Trajan, to strengthen the army during unrest in the eastern provinces (132-135), created two more legions that bore his name. Marcus Aurelius (161-180) recruited two Italian legions in 165. Septimius Severus (193-211) created three Parthian legions intended for the war with Parthia.

Secondary to the heavily armed legionary infantry, although no less numerous, were the auxiliary troops (auxilia). Actually, initially it was the legionnaires who were considered the army. But over time, the level of training of legionnaires and “oxylarii” (auxiliary troops) began to more or less level out.

During the Civil Wars of the 1st century. BC. Roman citizens were finally ousted from the cavalry by foreign mercenaries. This is not surprising if we remember that the Romans were never good horsemen. Therefore, the army's needs for cavalry were met by hiring Gallic and German cavalrymen. Cavalry and lightly armed infantry were also recruited in Spain.

The number of auxiliary troops, both infantry and cavalry, was, as a rule, equal to the number of heavily armed legionnaires and sometimes even exceeded it.

During the Punic Wars (264-146 BC), Rome began to use in the army units formed from residents of the Mediterranean who were fluent in one or another type of weapon (archers from the island of Crete, plowmen from the Balearic Islands). Numidian light cavalrymen played a major role in the Roman troops starting from the Punic Wars. The custom of recruiting soldiers who were proficient in their “national” weapons continued under the emperors. Subsequently, when the expansion of the empire’s borders ended, the function of direct border protection fell on the auxiliary troops. The legions were located in the depths of the province and formed a strategic reserve.

1.4 Praetorian Guard

The Roman Empire had at its disposal not only legions stationed in the provinces. To maintain order in Italy itself and protect the emperor, Augustus created 9 cohorts of the Praetorian Guard (cohortes practoriae) with a total number of 4,500 people. Subsequently, their number increased to 14 cohorts. At the head of each cohort was a praetorian prefect (praefectus praetorio). These selected troops were formed from the praetorian cohorts that existed at the end of the republican period under each commander to protect him. Praetorians had a number of privileges: they served for 16 years, not 26, like ordinary legionnaires, and had a salary that was 3.3 times higher than the salary of a legionnaire. Each praetorian cohort consisted of 500 people. At the beginning of the 3rd century. this number was increased to 1000, perhaps to 1500 people.

Augustus never kept more than three praetorian cohorts in Rome; he sent the rest to billets in nearby cities. Under Tiberius, the Praetorians were collected and placed under a single command in Rome in one camp. These warriors, spoiled by the attention of the emperors, were reluctant to go on military campaigns, but they participated in conspiracies with great enthusiasm and more than once played a decisive role in the overthrow of one emperor and the accession of another. The soldiers in the praetorian cohorts were recruited mainly from the inhabitants of Italy and some neighboring provinces that had long been annexed to Rome. However, after at the end of the 2nd century. The praetorians once again tried to nominate “their” emperor. Septimius Severus disbanded them and recruited them again, but from the Danube legions loyal to him. The Praetorian cavalry was formed from soldiers of the Praetorian foot cohorts who had served for at least four or five years.

When on duty in the palace, Praetorians wore togas (the traditional clothing of the Roman rich and nobles) like eminent dignitaries. The praetorian banners contained portraits of the emperor and empress, as well as the names of the emperor's victorious battles.

To strengthen the praetorian cavalry, an imperial auxiliary cavalry (equites singulares) was created, recruited from the best auxiliary cavalry riders by the emperor himself or his representatives.

For the personal protection of the emperor and members of the imperial family, detachments of bodyguards were recruited from barbarians. The Germans were especially often chosen for this role. The emperors understood that being too close to the Praetorians was not always safe.

1.5 Roman garrison

The city garrison (cohortes urbanae) was under the command of the city prefect (praefectus urbi). This position was considered an honor for retired prominent senators. The urban cohorts were created simultaneously with the praetorian cohorts, and their first numbers (X-XI) followed immediately after the praetorian numbers (I-IX). Claudius increased the number of urban cohorts. Under Vespasian (69-79), four cohorts were stationed in Rome, the rest were sent to Carthage and Lugudunum (Lyon) to guard the imperial mint. The organization of the city cohorts was the same as in the Praetorian Guard. True, they served for 20 years. The pay was two-thirds higher than the legionnaire's pay.

The municipal guard (cohortes vigilum) performed the functions of night watch and fire department. These cohorts also owe their origin to Augustus. In total, 7 of them were formed (initially from freed slaves), one for two of the 14 districts of the city. Commanded cohorts of praefectus vigilum. They served for 7 years.

1.6 Distribution of troops by province

The total number of the army was insufficient to defend the vast expanses of the empire. Therefore, a reasonable distribution of forces became of paramount importance. Even under Julius Caesar (c. 46-44 BC), troops were withdrawn from Italy and located near borders where there was a danger of enemy invasion, and in recently conquered provinces. Augustus and his successors. followed the same concept.

It is quite natural that over the course of two centuries these “pain points” of the empire changed their location. In the 1st century AD The emperors' main attention was focused on the Rhine, where about 100 thousand Roman soldiers, including 8 legions, were concentrated at that time. However, the strategic importance of this line gradually weakened. Already under Trajan (98-117) there were much fewer troops there - 45 thousand people. At this time, in connection with the ongoing wars in Dacia and Panonia, the “center of gravity” of military operations moved to the Danube. In 107, up to 110 thousand soldiers stood on the banks of this river, almost along its entire length. Five legions were in Moesia, three in Dacia, four in Panonia.

On the sections of the border most susceptible to enemy attacks, Rome also tried to use detachments of foreign mercenaries. In the first two centuries of the reign of the emperors, there were not as many of them as later, when foreigners gradually began to oust the native Romans from the ranks of the army, but in the 1st-2nd centuries. this process has already begun.

Three legions were concentrated against the Parthians in Syria. During the reign of the Flavian dynasty (69-96), two more were added to them, formed in Cappadocia. After the conquest of Arabia in 106, one legion was sent to this province.

Troops were also located in less dangerous directions. In such provinces as Spain, North Africa, Egypt, which had already been annexed to the empire for quite some time, troops were present, but full-strength legions were almost never stationed there. Of the “secondary” regions, in terms of the likelihood of large-scale military action, the exception was Britain, where three out of four legions always remained that participated in the conquest of the island, which was a clear disproportion in relation to the area of ​​this province. This is explained by the fact that the British were conquered relatively recently and individual uprisings against the Romans broke out there from time to time.

As for Gaul, since it received the status of a province (16 BC), troops from Germany or Spain were sent there if necessary.

Chapter II. Daily life of warriors

2.1 Recruitment and training

After Mary's reforms, the Roman army became mercenary. The legionary infantry could only be formed from Roman citizens, while the auxiliary troops consisted of representatives of the peoples conquered by Rome. After the Civil Wars of the 1st century. BC. all Italians living south of the Po River were granted Roman citizenship. This meant that the distinction between Roman and allied legions no longer existed. Civil rights gradually began to be granted to the western provinces (Spain, Southern Gaul, “Province” - the current historical region of France - Provence). In the East, the institution of citizenship was not so widespread, therefore, in order not to conflict with the law, recruits from those regions received this status upon joining the legion. Such measures made it possible to expand the army's access to human resources.

So, recruitment into the Roman army as a result of Marius’s reforms was distinguished primarily by the fact that instead of compulsory conscription, the principle of voluntariness was introduced. But due to the fact that the level of this very voluntariness among citizens in the 1st-2nd centuries. left much to be desired, the authorities very soon began to resort to the services of residents of the most Romanized provinces, such as Dalmatia or Gaul. If there were not enough volunteers, forced recruitment was used. At the same time, in order not to provoke unrest, the authorities, as a rule, did not skimp on good promises. Josephus testifies: “After the war against Antiochus, most of the Roman citizens, however, began to evade service. To replenish the army, it was necessary to use the services of special recruiters from the poor. During this period, even in the cavalry, more people were supplied by the provinces, citizens were in it only by officers."

At the beginning of the 2nd century. Emperor Hadrian ordered to recruit not only Roman citizens, but also residents of the provinces. A good help for replenishing the legions was the existence in the provinces that did not have civil status, the sons of legionnaires and “oxylarians” who inherited civil rights from fathers who served in the army. Some benefits associated with the opportunity to get rich in the war, in principle, attracted provincials to serve more than residents of Italy, so in the army there were, as a rule, more of the former than people from this beautiful peninsula, which it was so difficult for them to part with. Nevertheless, among the soldiers of the legions there were always native Italians. Speaking about the ethnic composition of the legions, we must not forget that they often included local residents of those regions where permanent camps were located. In any case, it is known that during the reign of Hadrian, approximately 70% of the legionnaires came from the western provinces (Germany, Gaul, Britain).

Before becoming a legionnaire, a volunteer had to first obtain a letter of recommendation from a member of his family already in the army, or, in the absence of one, from some third person holding even a minor government post. With this document, the volunteer appeared before a kind of draft commission or council (probatio), the members of which were officers of the legion. Such commissions were often headed by the provincial ruler. During the test, both the physical and personal qualities of the recruit were tested. The selection was made very carefully, since the power of the legion and the army as a whole was directly dependent on the qualities of the future soldier. Quite high requirements were also imposed upon joining the auxiliary cavalry.

The recruit (tiron) had to have a minimum height of about 1.75 m, have a decent appearance and a strong build. These simple conditions require some comments. According to outside observers, the inhabitants of the Apennine Peninsula were short people. This was especially often noticed by the tall Gauls and Germans. This may partly be the reason why the share of “Italics” in the legions gradually decreased.

After passing the commission's tests, the recruit, aged approximately 18, was required to take an oath (sacramentum). The “sacramentum” differed from the modern oath in its religious meaning. It was not only a legal act confirming the acquisition of the status of a soldier, but a kind of expression of a certain mystical connection between the recruit and his commander. For the superstitious Romans, all these rituals had a deep meaning. At the end of the ceremony, the future soldier signed up for the legion in which he was to serve. Then he was given a small amount of money (viaticum), after which, under the protection of an officer, together with other recruits, he went to his legion. Upon arrival at the camp, a freshly minted warrior was assigned to a specific century. His name, age, and special features were included in the unit's lists. After this, the grueling training phase began.

Josephus notes: "... they win battles with such ease; for there is never confusion in their ranks and nothing takes them out of the usual battle order; fear does not deprive them of their presence of mind, and excessive exertion does not exhaust their strength." He explained these advantages of Roman soldiers by constant exercises and exercises, which were the lot of not only beginners, but also gray-haired veterans (however, for a certain amount of money handed to the centurion, it was always possible to avoid particularly tedious duties). However, most legionnaires could not afford regular bribes. Moreover, checks and inspections followed one after another. Officials also did not sit idle.

The high command, right up to the emperor, personally inspected the legions and closely monitored the state of military training.

Initially, training was not systematic, but from about the beginning of the 1st century. BC. it became an indispensable element of military life.

The primary training of the legionnaire consisted of the same thing that to this day forms the basis of the training of recruits in most armies of the world. And until the recruit became familiar with the basics of discipline and combat, under no circumstances could he be put into service.

Three times a month, soldiers made marches, 30 km each. Half the journey was done at a walk, half at a run. Soldiers were trained to keep their place in the ranks while moving and changing formations. Ultimately, it was thanks to high drill training that the legion could carry out all its formations and movements with almost mathematical precision. But it was quite difficult to achieve this. It is unlikely that it will ever be possible to count the number of sticks broken off by the centurions when the soldiers comprehended this science. Accurate execution of formations was highly valued by the Romans and was considered the main key to achieving victories.

Legionnaires had to be able to march in two different rhythms. The first of them is a “military step”. In this rhythm, the unit had to cover about 30 km in 5 hours on flat terrain. The second - “extended step” - made it possible to cover more than 35 km in the same time.

Drill training was supplemented by physical exercises, which included jumping, running, throwing stones, wrestling and swimming. Everyone from beginners to officers did these exercises.

But the main attention was paid to the construction of the camp. The soldiers were required to do the work correctly and, most importantly, quickly. For this purpose, recruits had to build many “training camps.” If in normal practice legions built them once a day, then recruits had to do this twice. Build and shoot again.

Recruits were also trained in horse riding. All soldiers had to go through these classes, performed both in full equipment and without it.

Later, newcomers began to be taught how to use weapons. This part of the training largely repeated the training methods in gladiator schools. The weapons for training were wooden, the shields were wicker. In size and shape they were quite identical to the real ones, but they were almost twice their weight. To practice strikes, a wooden pole the height of a person was dug into the ground. On it, the legionnaire practiced blows on the enemy’s imaginary head and legs. The main purpose of the exercise was to practice the strike so that when delivering it the lunge would not be too deep, since this would increase the likelihood of hitting the attacker’s right side, which is not protected by a shield. Throwing the pilum at different distances and at different targets was also practiced.

At the next stage, the future legionnaire moved on to that stage of training, which, like the gladiators, was called armatura. From this moment on, military weapons began to be used for training. The legionnaire received a sword, one or more pilums and a shield.

Weapon skills were developed in duels with swords or spears, the tips of which were covered with wooden tips for safety. To maintain excitement, rewards for the winners of the fight and punishments for the losers were widely used. Those who succeeded received a double ration, while the losers had to be content with barley instead of the usual grain.

Exercises with weapons were aimed at strengthening not only the body, but also the spirit of the soldiers. Flavius, apparently observing them closely, believed that “they resemble either bloodless battles or bloody exercises.” Looks like they were practicing in earnest.

During training campaigns, newcomers became familiar with tactical combat techniques, as well as with various types of formations.

At the end of this stage, the soldiers parted with the status of recruits and joined the legion. Nevertheless, throughout their further service, they were faced with the same exercises and activities to which most of every day was devoted, except for holidays. The maniples and centuries were engaged in drill training and, divided into two groups, fought among themselves. The riders practiced steeplechase racing and practiced attacking infantry. Cavalry and infantry in full marching gear will make three 15-kilometer marches every month.

The practice of constant training was such a characteristic feature of Roman military life that even Seneca, so far in his writings from the bustle of everyday life, noted: “Soldiers in peacetime go on a campaign, although not against the enemy, pour in yours, exhaust themselves with unnecessary work so that I had enough strength to do what was necessary."

2.2 Military discipline. Punishments and rewards

No other army of antiquity had such strict discipline. Its main expression was unconditional obedience to orders. Maintaining strict order was, first of all, facilitated by the fact that the soldiers were never left idle. In addition, the well-known principle of “carrot and stick” was applied in the army with invariable consistency.

Military laws punished death not only for desertion and abandonment of formation during battle, but also for less significant offenses, such as leaving a guard post, loss of weapons, theft, false testimony against a comrade, cowardice. Less significant crimes were punished by reprimands, reduced pay, demotion, assignment to hard work and corporal punishment. There were also shameful punishments. For example, Augustus ordered the offender to stand in front of the praetorium all day, sometimes wearing only a tunic and a combat belt.

If an offense was committed by the entire maniple or legion, every tenth, twentieth or hundredth person, chosen by lot, was executed, the rest were transferred to barley bread.

More severe than military law was sometimes the unlimited personal power of commanders, which they used, regardless of rank and merit. Augustus, famous for his veneration of the “traditional virtues of antiquity,” would allow legates to see their wives only in the winter. A Roman horseman who cut off his sons' thumbs to spare them military service, ordered to be sold at auction with all property. Tiberius punished the head of the legion with dishonor because he sent several soldiers to accompany his freedman on a hunt. On the other hand, exemption from punishments, imposed dishonor and accusations in troubled times was a real measure designed to win over the troops to one's side or to strengthen one's authority in calmer times.

Incentives could also be of various kinds: praise, promotion, increase in salary, participation in the division of spoils, exemption from work in the camp, cash payments and insignia in the form of silver or gold wrists (armillae), worn on the forearm. There were also specific awards for different types of troops: in the cavalry - silver or gold neck chains (torques), in the infantry - silver or gold plywood breastplates with the image of a commander or the head of a deity.

Officers were awarded an honorary spear without a tip (hasta pura) and an honorary personal flag - a small vexillum. The highest insignia were wreaths (sogopae), the most honorable of which was considered the laurel wreath of the triumphant (corona triumphalis). There were other wreaths: corona civica - for saving a citizen, corona muralis - for the first to climb the wall, corona vallaris - for the first to climb the rampart of an enemy fortification, corona navalis - for the first to board an enemy ship.

Awards were distributed to the soldiers in the presence of the entire army.

From this point of view, the story of Josephus about the ceremony organized by Titus after the capture and sack of Jerusalem is indicative: “Immediately he ordered the persons appointed for this purpose to proclaim the names of those who had accomplished some brilliant feat in this war. Calling them by name, he praised those who came up and showed so much joy, as if their exploits had made him personally happy, and immediately he laid upon them golden wreaths, golden neck chains, gave them large golden spears or silver banners, and raised each of them to the highest rank. Moreover, he bestowed upon them with a generous hand from the spoils in gold, silver, clothing and other things. Having thus rewarded everyone according to their deserts, he blessed the entire army and, with loud jubilant cries of the soldiers, descended from the rostrum and began the victorious sacrifices. A huge number of bulls, already standing at the altars, were slaughtered ", and their meat was distributed to the army. He himself feasted with them for three days, after which part of the army was released wherever anyone wanted."

In honor of a commander who won a major victory, a thanksgiving service could be held in temples (supplicatio). But the highest reward was triumph - the ceremonial entry into Rome. According to tradition, the right to it belonged to the commander vested with the highest military power (imperium), when he, as commander-in-chief, won a decisive victory on land or at sea in a declared war with an external enemy. According to this definition, in the I-II centuries. AD Only emperors, who were considered the supreme commanders of the armies, had the right to triumph.

According to ancient tradition, the commander had to remain outside the city until the day of triumph. On the appointed day, he made a solemn procession through the triumphal gates towards the Capitol. On this occasion, the streets were decorated with wreaths and churches were opened. The spectators greeted the procession with shouts, and the soldiers sang songs.

At the head of the procession were government officials and senators, followed by musicians, and then carried booty and images of conquered countries and cities. Priests, young men in festive clothes walked, leading white bulls designated for sacrifice, and noble prisoners of war in chains. Next came the triumphant golden chariot, drawn by four white horses. In front were lictors, musicians and singers. The triumphant stood on a chariot, crowned with a laurel wreath, dressed in a purple tunic embroidered with gold (tunica palmata - the clothing of Jupiter Capitolinus) and a purple toga decorated with gold stars (toga picta). In his hands he held a scepter from Ivory, decorated with a golden eagle and a laurel branch on top. At the back of the chariot stood a state slave, holding a golden crown above his head. The crowd greeted the triumphant with shouts: “Look back and remember that you are human!”

The procession was closed by soldiers wearing laurel wreaths and wearing all the insignia. Arriving at the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, the triumphant placed his spoils in the hands of the statue of the god, said a prayer, made a sacrifice, and then distributed gifts and awards to the soldiers. This was followed by a feast.

The victorious commander (not the emperor) was given only the right, on special occasions, to wear triumphal decorations and signs, which the Caesars began to award them with since the time of Augustus. Among the decorations were chains, tunics embroidered with palm leaves, togas (toga picta), and laurel wreaths.

In honor of the victorious commander, monuments (tropaea) were erected, initially from melted down enemy weapons, and later from marble and copper, triumphal arches, columns, marble and bronze statues were erected. The armor taken from the enemy leader was sacrificed to Jupiter (luppiter Feretrius). In general, military spoils were used to pay salaries for the troops, and were also partially dedicated to the gods.

Of course, it wasn't just the winners who received awards. For example, during Caesar’s African triumph, young Augustus was awarded, despite the fact that he did not participate in the war.

2.3 Daily life

Years of military service did not always involve campaigns and battles. In the II century. life in the army was more measured. Expeditions became rare. The troops were mainly stationed in permanent camps, the way of life of which was very similar to the life of most ordinary cities of the Pax Romanum, with all the everyday amenities of ancient civilization (baths, theaters, gladiator fights, etc.).

The everyday life of a legionnaire differed little from the everyday life of a soldier of any other era - exercises, guard duty, road patrols. But in addition to military activities, soldiers were required to perform numerous construction works. They erected camp buildings and fortifications, built roads, bridges, constructed border fortified lines and monitored their safety. Behind the main rampart with watchtowers, a military road was always built along which troops could be transported along the border. Over time, such fortified lines strengthened the borders of the empire in the north of Britain - Hadrian's Wall, between the Dniester and Prut - the Trojan Wall and in Africa - the Tripolitan Wall.

An important aspect of the army's activities was its participation in the process of Romanization of the provinces in which it was stationed. After all, the army was used not only to carry out military work, but also to build canals, water pipelines, water reservoirs, and public buildings. Things got to the point that in the 3rd century. the military often had to completely take over a number of civilian functions. Legionnaires often became employees (secretaries, translators, etc.) in various local civil departments. All this contributed to the spread of the Roman way of life, its organic interweaving with local mores and customs in territories that, as a rule, did not have a sufficiently high level of civilization before.

For service in the army, the legionnaire regularly received a salary (stipendium). The first time the service fee was raised was by Caesar. Then it amounted to 226 denarii. Centurions traditionally received twice as much. They were paid it every four months. Then, 150 years later, the fee was increased by Domitian. The next promotion took place another hundred years later.

To pay troops, there was a kind of “tariff scale”, according to which an auxiliary infantryman received three times less, and a cavalryman half as much, as a legionnaire, although a cavalryman’s pay may have been close to that of a legionnaire. Large monetary rewards were paid to soldiers after victories or upon the accession of a new emperor to the throne. Payments and gifts (donatives), naturally, made the service more attractive.

This, of course, did not exclude mutinies in the army that arose on economic grounds, as well as due to cruel discipline or the large amount of work with which the legionnaires were burdened. It is curious that Tacitus reports an uprising in the summer camp of three legions, which occurred immediately after the death of Augustus, which, among other things, demanded equal pay with the Praetorians. With great difficulty, it was possible to liquidate this uprising, satisfying the basic demands of the rebels. Almost simultaneously, the Rhine legions rebelled. Later, a mutiny of legionnaires on the Upper Rhine was caused by the fact that they did not receive the rewards promised by Galba for the victory over the Gauls.

Soldiers often tried to save money, even though they had to provide their own food, clothing, shoes, weapons and armor (with discounts, but from their own pay), not to mention the so-called "New Year's dinner" for commanders and payments to the funeral fund. Costs for food and clothing were constant. The weapon, of course, was purchased once. Some soldiers could afford to decorate their armor with gold and silver. Some of the money inevitably went towards bribes. So, for example, not a single emperor was able to do anything about the “tradition” of paying centurions for providing vacation. So, giving “to Caesar what is Caesar’s” on the battlefield, the centurion considered himself entitled to “the centurion’s” in the camp.

Half of any remuneration (donatives) was retained for the soldier until the day of his resignation. The standard bearers were responsible for the savings of the legionnaires, who did this in addition to their other duties.

For food, the soldier received monthly four measures (modius) of grain and a certain amount of salt. The soldiers ground grain (usually wheat) in hand mills, and baked bread from the flour. Only those serving in the navy received baked bread, because it was dangerous to light a fire on ships. Meat played a secondary role. Vegetables, legumes and other products were provided only when there was a shortage of grain. The provinces were obliged to help support the army in kind or in money. For the campaign, provisions were specially prepared for municipalities (districts) and provinces.

The chief quartermaster of the army, i.e. the head of the economic department and the treasury of the army was the quaestor. Under his command were various lower officials for treasury and food affairs and scribes.

Chapter III. Fleet

3.1 Roman fleet

In Rome, the fleet was not fundamentally different from the ships of Greece and the Hellenistic states of Asia Minor. The Romans have the same dozens and hundreds, oars as the main propulsion of the vessel, the same multi-tiered layout, approximately the same aesthetics of the fore and sternposts. The main, most accurate and widespread classification is the division of ancient warships depending on the number of rows of oars.

Ships with one row of oars (vertically) were called moneris or uniremes, and in modern literature they are often called simply galleys, with two - biremes or liburnes, with three - triremes or triremes, with four - tetrers or quadriremes, with five - penters or quinqueremes, with six - hexers. However, further the clear classification becomes blurred. In ancient literature one can find references to hepter/septer, octer, enner, detsemrem (ten-row ships?) and so on up to sedecimrem (sixteen-row ships!). The only imaginable semantic content of these names is the total number of rowers on one side in one section (section) in all tiers. That is, for example, if in the bottom row we have one rower per oar, in the next - two, in the third - three, etc., then in total in five tiers we get 1+2+3+4+5 = 15 rowers . Such a ship, in principle, can be called a quindecimreme. Roman ships were on average larger than similar class Greek or Carthaginian ones. When there was a fair wind, masts were installed on the ship (up to three on quinqueremes and hexers) and the sails were raised on them. Large ships were sometimes armored with bronze plates and were almost always hung with oxhides soaked in water before battle to protect them from incendiary shells.

Also, on the eve of a collision with the enemy, the sails were rolled up and placed in covers, and the masts were laid on the deck. The vast majority of Roman warships, unlike, for example, Egyptian ones, did not have stationary masts at all. Roman ships, like Greek ones, were optimized for coastal naval battles rather than long raids on the high seas. It was impossible to ensure good habitability of a medium ship for one and a half hundred oarsmen, two to three dozen sailors and a century of marines. Therefore, in the evening the fleet tried to land on the shore. The crews, rowers and most of the marines left the ships and spent the night in tents. In the morning we sailed further. The ships were built quickly. In 40-60 days, the Romans could build a quinquereme and put it fully into operation. This explains the impressive size of the Roman fleets during the Punic Wars. For example, according to my calculations (cautious and therefore probably underestimated), during the First Punic War (264-241 BC) the Romans commissioned more than a thousand first-class warships: from triremes to quinqueremes. Since they sailed only with a fair wind, and the rest of the time they used exclusively the muscular strength of the rowers, the speed of the ships left much to be desired. The heavier Roman ships were even slower than the Greek ones. A ship capable of squeezing 7-8 knots (14 km/h) was considered “fast”, and for a quinquereme a cruising speed of 3-4 knots was considered quite decent. The crew of the ship, in the likeness of the Roman land army, was called "centuria". There were two main officials on the ship: the captain ("trierarch"), responsible for the actual sailing and navigation, and the centurion, responsible for the conduct of military operations. The latter commanded several dozen marines. Contrary to popular belief, during the Republican period (5th-1st centuries BC) all crew members of Roman ships, including rowers, were civilians. (The same, by the way, applied to the Greek fleet.) It was only during the Second Punic War (218-201 BC) that, as an extraordinary measure, the Romans limited the use of freedmen in the fleet. However, later they began to increasingly use slaves and prisoners as oarsmen.

Birems and Liburns.

Birems were two-tier rowing ships, and liburns could be built in both two- and one-tier versions. The usual number of rowers on a bireme is 50-80, the number of marines is 30-50. In order to increase capacity, even small biremes and liburns were often equipped with a closed deck, which was not usually done on ships of a similar class in other fleets.

Triremes.

A typical trireme had a crew of 150 oarsmen, 12 sailors, approximately 80 marines and several officers. Transport capacity was, if necessary, 200-250 legionnaires.

The trireme was a faster ship compared to the quadri and quinqueremes, and more powerful than the biremes and liburns. At the same time, the dimensions of the trireme made it possible, if necessary, to place throwing machines on it.

3.2 Rome's heavy fleet

Quadriremes.

Quadriremes and larger warships were also not uncommon, but they were built en masse only during major military campaigns. Mainly during the Punic, Syrian and Macedonian wars, i.e. in the III-II centuries. BC. Actually, the first quadri and quinqueremes were improved copies of Carthaginian ships of similar classes, first encountered by the Romans during the First Punic War.

Quinqueremes.

The quinqueremes themselves were so huge that there were no rams on them; they were replaced by numerous artillery installations that made it possible to take on board large parties of paratroopers (up to 300 people). During the First Punic War, the Carthaginians could not attempt to match the strength of their ships with similar sea fortresses.

Hexers.

In the works of Roman authors there are reports of more than five-tier ships, namely six and even seven-tier ships, in the Roman fleet. Six-tier ships include hexers. They were not used in carpet production and were built extremely rarely. So, when in 117 AD. Hadrian's legionnaires reached the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea, they built a fleet, the flagship of which was supposedly the hexer. However, already during the battle with the Carthaginian fleet at Eknome in the First Punic War, the flagship ships of the Roman fleet were two hexers.

Super heavy ships.

These include septera, enners and decimremes. Both the first and second were never built en masse. Ancient historiography contains only a few scant references to these ships. Obviously, enners and decimremes were very slow-moving and could not withstand squadron speed on a par with triremes and quinqueremes. For this reason, they were used as coastal defense battleships to guard their harbors, or to besiege enemy sea fortresses as mobile platforms for siege towers, telescopic assault ladders (sambuca) and heavy artillery. In a linear battle, Mark Antony tried to use decimremes (31 BC, Battle of Actium), but they were burned by the high-speed ships of Octavian Augustus.

Chapter IV. The evolution of legionnaire weapons

The very identity of a person as a legionnaire was his attire. It differed in some parts from the simple attire of citizens. As such, this was established only with the introduction of the Marius reform and a series of subsequent reforms that made the army permanent.

The main differences were the military belt ("balteus") and shoes ("kaligi"). The "baltheus" could take the form of a simple belt worn at the waist and decorated with silver or bronze overlays, or two crossed belts tied at the hips. The time of appearance of such crossed belts is unknown. They may have appeared closer to the reign of Augustus, when additional protection appeared in the form of leather stripes on the sleeves and waist ("pterugs") (metal plates for such strips were found near Kalkriese, where Varus was defeated). Probably, during the reign of Tiberius, blackening on silver, lead or copper began to be widely used in the manufacture of decorative belt overlays with a complex mosaic pattern.

Military shoes "kaliga" were another important attribute of belonging to the soldier class. The exact time of their introduction is unknown. They were the standard footwear for Roman soldiers from the reign of Augustus until the beginning of the 2nd century. AD These were strong sandals. Josephus Flavius ​​in his work “The Jewish War” said that the creaking of nailed soles and the jingling of belts spoke of the presence of soldiers. Archaeological finds throughout the empire indicate a high degree of standardization in the form of "kalig". This suggests that the models for them, and possibly other items of military equipment, were approved by the emperors themselves.

4.1 Offensive weapons

"Pilum" was one of the main types of weapons of the Roman legionnaire. Unlike the “gladius”, a sword that had several clearly defined and consistent varieties, the “pilum” was preserved for six centuries in two main types - heavy and light. The dart, with a total length of more than 2 m, was equipped with a long iron rod with a pyramidal or double-pronged tip.

The Pilum was a weapon that was used at short range. With its help it was possible to pierce the shield, armor and the enemy warrior himself.

Several "pilums" with flat tips and remains of a wooden shaft have been preserved, found in the Oberaden Fort of Augusta in Germany. They could weigh up to 2 kg. However, those specimens that were found in Valencia and belonged to the period of the Late Republic had much larger tips and significantly greater weight. Some "pilums" were equipped with weights, probably made of lead, but no such specimens have been discovered by archaeologists. Such a heavy “pilum” in the hands of a praetorian can be seen on the surviving panel from the destroyed Arch of Claudius in Rome, which was erected in honor of the conquest of southern Britain. The weighted dart weighed at least twice as much as a normal dart and could not be thrown over a long distance (the maximum throwing distance was 30 m). It is clear that such weighting was done to increase the penetrating power of the dart and was most likely used for combat on elevated areas of land and fortress walls.

The Roman legionnaire is usually represented as armed with a short, sharp sword known as a gladius, but this is a misconception

For the Romans, the word "gladius" was general and meant any sword. Thus, Tacitus uses the term "gladius" to refer to the long cutting swords with which the Caledonians were armed at the battle of Mons Graupius. The famous Spanish sword, "gladius hispaniensis", often mentioned by Polybius and Livy, was a piercing weapon middle length. The length of its blade reached from 64 to 69 cm, and its width - 4-5.5 cm. The edges of the blade could be parallel or slightly narrowed at the handle. From about a fifth of the length the blade began to taper and ended with a sharp point. This weapon was probably adopted by the Romans shortly after the Battle of Cannae, which took place in 216 BC. Before this, it was adapted by the Iberians, who took the Celtic long sword as a basis. The scabbard was made of a strip of iron or bronze with details made of wood or leather. Up to 20 BC. some Roman units continued to use the Spanish sword (an interesting example came to us from Berry Bow in France). However, during the reign of Augustus it was quickly replaced by the "gladius", the type of which is represented by finds in Mainz and Fulheim. This sword clearly represented a more developed stage of the “gladius hispaniensis”, but had a shorter and wider blade, narrowed at the hilt. Its length was 40-56 cm, with a width of up to 8 cm. The weight of such a sword was about 1.2-1.6 kg. The metal scabbard could be finished in tin or silver and decorated with various compositions, often associated with the figure of Augustus. The short "gladius" of the type found in Pompeii was introduced quite late. This sword, with parallel edges and a short triangular point, was completely different from the Spanish swords and swords found in Mainz/Fulheim. It was 42-55 cm long, and the blade width was 5-6 cm. Using this sword in battle, legionnaires delivered piercing and slashing blows. This sword weighed about 1 kg. The beautifully decorated scabbards, like those found at Mainz/Fulheim, were replaced by scabbards made of leather and wood with metal fittings, on which various images were engraved, embossed or minted. All Roman swords of the period we are considering were attached to a belt or hung on a sling. Since the image of a “gladius” similar to that found in Pompeii is most often found on Trajan’s Column, this sword began to be perceived as the main weapon of the legionnaire. However, its use in Roman units was very short compared to other swords. Introduced in the middle of the 1st century. AD, it fell out of use in the second quarter of the 2nd century. AD The ordinary Roman soldier carried his sword on his right side. Centurions and higher-ranking officers wore the sword on the left, which was a sign of their rank.

Dagger.

Another borrowing from the Spaniards was the dagger ("pugio"). In shape it was similar to a “gladius” with a blade narrowed at the handle, the length of which could be from 20 to 35 cm. The dagger was worn on the left side (ordinary legionnaires). Beginning with the reign of Augustus, dagger hilts and metal scabbards were decorated with elaborate silver inlay. The basic forms of such a dagger continued to be used in the 3rd century. AD

4.2 Defensive weapons

Shield.

The traditional legionnaire's shield was a curved oval-shaped "scutum". A copy from Fayum in Egypt, dating back to the 1st century. BC, was 128 cm long and 63.5 cm wide. It was made of wooden planks laid on top of each other in transverse layers. In the central part, such a shield had a slight thickening (the thickness here was 1.2 cm, and at the edges - 1 cm). The shield was covered with felt and calfskin, and weighed 10 kg. During the reign of Augustus, such a shield was modified, receiving a curved rectangular shape. The only surviving example of this form comes to us from Dura Europos in Syria and dates back to approximately 250 AD. It was constructed in the same way as the Fayum shield. It reached 102 cm in length and 83 cm in width (the distance between the curved edges was 66 cm), but was much lighter. With a thickness of 5 mm, it weighed about 5.5 kg. Peter Connolly believes that earlier examples were thicker in the middle and weighed 7.5 kg.

Such a weight of the “scutum” meant that it had to be held with a horizontal grip at arm’s length. Initially, such a shield was intended for offensive use. The shield could also be used to knock down an opponent. The flat shields of the mercenaries were not always lighter than the shields of the legionnaires. The rectangular shield with a curved top, found at Hod Hill, weighed about 9 kg.

Armor.

Most legionnaires of the Imperial period wore heavy armor, although some types of troops did not use armor at all. Caesar used legionnaires without armor ("expediti"), fighting as "anti-signani". These were lightly armed legionnaires who began skirmishing at the beginning of the battle or served as reinforcements for the cavalry (for example, at Pharsalus). The relief from the legionnaires' headquarters building in Mainz shows two legionnaires fighting in close formation. They are armed with shields and spears, but have no protective armor - even heavily armed legionnaires could fight "expediti". On two other reliefs from Mainz you can see the armor of the established pattern that was used by the legionnaires. In one image, a legionnaire wearing lorica segmentata armor, made of metal strips and plates, walks behind a signifer. True, such armor was not used everywhere. Recent finds made at Kalkriese, the site where Varus's army was defeated (the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest), including a completely preserved breastplate with a bronze border, suggest that such armor appeared during the reign of Augustus. Other pieces of armor were found in what were once Augustus' bases, near Haltern and Dangsteten in Germany. The shell provided good protection, especially for the shoulders and upper back, but, ending at the hips, left the lower abdomen and upper legs exposed. It is likely that some kind of quilted clothing was worn under the shell, which softened the blows, protected the skin from abrasions and helped ensure that the shell fit properly, and the breastplate and other plates were correctly positioned in relation to each other. A reconstruction of one such armor showed that it could weigh about 9 kg. Another relief from Mainz shows a centurion (his sword on his left side) wearing what at first glance appears to be a tunic. However, the cuts at the arms and hips indicate that this is a chain mail shirt ("lorica hamata"), the cuts of which are necessary in order to facilitate the movement of the warrior. Many of these monuments depict details in the form of rings. Chain mail was probably the type of armor that was widely used by the Romans. In the period we are considering, chain mail shirts had short sleeves or no sleeves at all and could fall much lower than the hips. Most legionnaires wore chain mail with additional chain mail pads on the shoulders. Depending on the length and number of rings (up to 30,000), such chain mail weighed 9-15 kg. Chain mail with shoulder pads could weigh up to 16 kg. Usually chain mail was made of iron, but there are cases when bronze was used to make rings. Scale armor ("lorica squamata") was another common type, cheaper and easier to manufacture, but inferior to chain mail in strength and elasticity. Such scale armor was worn over a shirt with sleeves, probably made of canvas lined with wool. Such clothing helped soften blows and prevented metal armor from being pressed into the legionnaire’s body. To such clothing they often added “pterugs” - canvas or leather protective strips that covered the upper parts of the arms and legs. Such stripes could not protect against serious injuries. Until the end of the 1st century. AD centurions could wear greaves, and even then, probably not in all cases. Articulated arm armor was used in the period under consideration by gladiators, but it did not come into widespread use among troops until the reign of Domitian (81-96 AD).

Legionnaires used various types of helmets. During the Republic, bronze and sometimes iron helmets of the “Montefortino” type became widespread, which became the traditional helmets of legionnaires from the 4th century. BC. They consisted of a single cup-shaped piece with a very small rear visor and side plates that covered the ears and sides of the face. Later versions of helmets, including the so-called “Kulus” type, were used until the end of the 1st century. AD They were equipped with large plates to protect the neck. At the beginning of the reign of Augustus, and perhaps even during the period of Caesar's Gallic conquests, Roman blacksmiths began to make iron helmets of the "Gallic Port" and "Agen" types for legionaries. These so-called "Gallic Imperial" helmets were of very high quality, equipped with a front and rear visor. Large side plates have also been added to this helmet to protect the neck. Closer to the middle of the 1st century. AD A version of this helmet was made in Italian workshops. For their manufacture, iron and bronze were used (which was a step forward compared to the Montefortino type helmet). The legionnaires' helmets were quite massive. The wall thickness reached 1.5-2 mm, and the weight was about 2-2.3 kg. The helmets and their side plates had felt pads, and some helmets were designed to leave a small space between the head and the canopy to soften the impact. The Montefortino helmets were equipped with wide side plates that completely covered the ears, but the new Gallic Imperial type helmets already had cutouts for the ears. True, with the exception of those cases where helmets were custom-made for a soldier, the side plates could partially cover the legionnaire’s ears. The side plates covered the sides of the face well, but could limit peripheral vision, and the open front of the face became a target for the enemy. The Batavian and Tungrian mercenaries who fought at Mons Graupius struck their British opponents in the face. Caesar recalled how the centurion Crastinus was killed at the Battle of Pharsalus by a blow to the mouth with a sword.

4.3 Equipment weight

In addition to the emotional stress of battle, the legionnaire of the Augustan era had to carry a significant weight of combat equipment. The "lorica segmentata" armor and the use of a curved rectangular "scutum" made it possible to reduce the weight of the equipment to 23 kg. On the march, the weight that the legionnaire had to carry increased due to his luggage, which included cooking utensils, a bag of provisions, and spare clothes. All this property, the weight of which could exceed 13 kg, was placed in a leather bag with ropes and carried using a T-shaped pole on the shoulder. Josephus notes that, if necessary, the legionnaire also had to carry all the equipment for earthworks. This included a pickaxe, an axe, a saw, a chain, a leather belt and a basket for carrying earth. It is not surprising that Julius Caesar made sure that a certain part of the legionnaires on the march were not burdened with a load and could quickly react in the event of an enemy attack.

The table shows the weight of combat equipment that a legionnaire of the Augustan era had to carry. \

EquipmentApproximate weight (in kg) Helmet "Montefortino" 2 Chainmail 12 Crossing belts 1.2 Oval "scutum" 10 "Gladius" with scabbard 2.2 Dagger with scabbard 1.1 "Pilum" 3.8 Total 32.3

The ability of legionnaires to travel long distances with a load, and then immediately enter into battle, surprises modern scientists. For example, the six legions of Vitellius who took part in the Second Battle of Cremona marched 30 Roman miles (about 60 km) from Hostilia in one day and then fought all night. In the end, the fatigue of Vitellius's legionnaires took its toll, and they were defeated. Soldier fatigue often influenced the outcome of battles between Roman armies, which, as the Second Battle of Cremona shows, could last quite a long time. The heaviness of the armor and the energy that the legionnaire had to expend using the pilum, sword and shield limited the duration of the battle, which was regularly interrupted for respite.

Chapter V. Strategy of the Roman legions

In the Roman army great importance tactics and strategy played a role, but these functions were only possible if the legionnaires were given time to prepare and undergo training.

The standard tactics of the Roman army (before the reform of Gaius Marius) was a simple onslaught. The use of pilums made it possible to defeat the enemy with much greater ease. The first onslaught and attack could decide the outcome of the entire battle. Titus Livy and all the other authors describing the consolidation of Rome on the Italian peninsula said that the enemies of Rome were in many ways similar in weapons to the Romans themselves. So, the most significant battle demonstrating that tactics played a big role was the Battle of Cannae.

5.1 Battle of Cannae

On August 2, 216, near the village of Cannes in southeastern Italy, near the confluence of the river. Aufid (Ofanto) in the Adriatic Sea, the largest battle of the 2nd Punic War took place. The size of the Roman army, according to some sources, was about 80 thousand infantry and 6 thousand horsemen, and according to others - 63 thousand infantry and 6 thousand cavalry, which on that day was commanded by the consul Gaius Terentius Varro. The Carthaginian army consisted of 40 thousand infantry and 10 thousand cavalry.

August the Roman army was commanded by Varro; he ordered the legions to break camp and move towards the enemy. Aemilius was against these actions, but Varro did not pay attention to all his objections.

Hannibal moved his cavalry and lightly armed infantry towards the Romans and unexpectedly attacked the Roman legions while moving, causing confusion in their ranks. But then the Romans brought forward a detachment of heavily armed infantry, reinforced by javelin throwers and cavalry. The Carthaginian attack was repulsed and they were forced to retreat. This success further strengthened Varro in his desire for a decisive battle. The next day, Aemilius could not safely withdraw the legions, being in direct contact with the enemy. Therefore, he camped two-thirds of his forces on one bank of the Aufid River, and a third on the other bank, 2 km from the first camp; these troops were supposed to threaten the Carthaginian foragers.

The Carthaginian army set up a camp on the other side of the river where the main Roman forces were located. Hannibal addressed his soldiers with a speech, which he ended with the words: “With victory in this battle, you will immediately become masters of the whole of Italy; this one battle will put an end to your current labors, and you will be the owners of all the wealth of the Romans, you will become lords and rulers of the whole earth. Here Why are there no more words needed, deeds are needed.”

The Carthaginian army then went out into the field and formed up for battle. Emilius strengthened the guard posts and did not move. The Carthaginians were forced to return to their camp. On August 2, as soon as the sun appeared, the Roman troops, on the orders of Varro, moved immediately from both camps and began to build a battle formation on the left bank of the river. Aufid facing south. Varro placed the Roman cavalry close to the river on the right wing; the infantry was adjacent to it in the same line, and the maniples were placed closer than before, and the entire formation was given greater depth than width. The Allied cavalry stood on the left wing. Light detachments were located at some distance ahead of the entire army.

The Roman battle formation occupied about 2 km along the front. The troops were lined up in three lines of 12 ranks each, that is, 36 ranks deep. Legions and maniples were formed at reduced intervals and distances; 4,000 cavalry under the command of Varro lined up on the left flank, and 2,000 cavalry under the command of Aemilius lined up on the right flank. Eight thousand lightly armed infantrymen covered the battle formation. Varro intended the ten thousand people remaining in the camp to attack the Carthaginian camp during the battle. Reducing intervals and distances and increasing the depth of the Roman formation actually meant abandoning the advantages of the manipular formation of the legions. The Roman army turned into a huge phalanx that could not maneuver on the battlefield. The battle formation of the Carthaginian army was divided along the front: the worst troops were in the center, the wings consisted of selected units of infantry and cavalry. Near the river, on the left flank against the Roman cavalry, Hannibal placed the cavalry of the Iberians and Celts, followed by half of the heavily armed Libyan infantry, followed by the infantry of the Iberians and Celts, and next to them the other half of the Libyans. The right flank was occupied by the Numidian cavalry. Having formed the entire army in one straight line, Hannibal moved forward with the Iberians and Celts standing in the center; to them he added the rest of the army in such a way as to form a curved line like a crescent, gradually thinning towards the ends. By this he wanted to ensure that the Libyans covered the fighting, and the Iberians and Celts were the first to enter the battle. On his extreme right flank, Hannibal built the Numidian cavalry (2 thousand horsemen) under the command of Hanno, on the extreme left flank there was a heavy African cavalry (8 thousand horsemen) under the command of Hasdrubal, and on the path of the advance of this cavalry there were only 2 thousand horsemen of poorly trained Roman cavalry. Next to the cavalry, on both flanks, there were 6 thousand heavy African infantry (Libyans), lined up in 16 ranks. In the center, 10 ranks deep, stood 20 thousand Gauls and Iberians, whom Hannibal ordered to move forward. The center was built with a ledge forward. Hannibal himself was here. Eight thousand lightly armed infantrymen covered the battle formation of the Carthaginian army, which faced superior enemy forces.

The lightly armed infantry of both opponents, having started a battle, retreated behind the location of their armies. Following this, the cavalry of the left flank of the Carthaginian battle formation defeated the cavalry of the Roman right flank, went to the rear of their battle formation, attacked the cavalry of the left flank and scattered it. The Carthaginians drove the Roman cavalry from the battlefield. At the same time, an infantry battle developed. The course of events on the battlefield created the preconditions for the flanks of the Roman army to be captured by the Carthaginian infantry, the encirclement of the Romans to be completed by cavalry and the destruction of the encircled Roman army. The Carthaginian battle formation took on a concave, enveloping shape. The Romans wedged into it, which facilitated a two-way coverage of their battle formation. The rear ranks of the Romans were forced to turn to fight the Carthaginian cavalry, which, having defeated the Roman cavalry, attacked the Roman infantry. The Carthaginian army completed the encirclement of the Romans. The dense formation of the legions deprived them of maneuverability. The Romans were huddled together. Only the warriors of the outer ranks could fight. The numerical superiority of the Roman army lost its significance; There was a crush inside this huge mass; the soldiers could not turn around. A terrible massacre of the Romans began.

As a result of the twelve-hour battle, the Romans lost 48 thousand killed and about 10 thousand captured. The losses of the Carthaginians in killed reached 6 thousand people. Despite being completely surrounded, many of the Romans managed to escape; According to some reports, 14 thousand people were saved, but if we take into account the data on losses and the total number of the entire Roman army (86 thousand people), it turns out that 28 thousand people were saved.

What were Varro’s main mistakes? He abandoned the already established tactics (manipular). The Roman formation was wide, but even for such a length the depth was too great. For Varro, it made more sense to break the army into legions and disperse them across the area, giving them the opportunity for both tactical maneuvering and the ability to deliver a united attack from several sides. In addition, a reserve corps of 10 thousand could deliver a flank or rear attack on Hannibal's army.

But Varro did not take into account any facts and decided to defeat the enemy with one frontal attack, which led to his defeat. Not taking into account Hannibal's strong cavalry, he imprudently decided to move the army.

But still, in such a situation, there was a chance to defeat Hannibal by using the triarii for a flank counterattack at the beginning of the battle. They could strengthen the horsemen standing on the flanks and repel the attacks of Gazdrubal and Hanno. After which the battle would change its course. But Varro did not take this option into account and lost. Thus ended the Battle of Cannae - the complete defeat of the Romans.

5.2 Battle of Cynoscephalae

The second battle was the Battle of Cynoscephalae. The Battle of Kinoscephalae occupies a special place in military history. Partly because it was the first large-scale field battle of the Roman legions and the Macedonian phalanx, partly because the fate of the Macedonian state was decided in it (Fig. 7).

Both sides in the winter of 197 BC. prepared for battle on the Thessalian plain. The Romans sought to push the king north into Macedonia and isolate his garrisons in Greece. Philip, in turn, wanted to retain Thessaly and cover the Tempean passage to Macedonia.

Philip set out on a hike in the morning, but because of the fog he decided to return to camp. To provide cover from the Cynoscephalus, behind which the enemy could be located, he sent an ephedra - a guard detachment of no more than 1000 - 2000 people. The main part of the army, having set up guard posts, remained in the camp. A significant part of the soldiers was sent to collect fodder for the cavalry.

Titus Quinctius Flamininus, who also did not know about the enemy’s movement, decided to reconnoiter the situation on the ridge of hills separating him from the Macedonians. For this purpose, extraordinaries were allocated - selected 10 tours of allied cavalry (300 horsemen) and 1000 light infantry.

At the pass, the Romans suddenly saw a Macedonian outpost. The battle between them began with separate skirmishes, in which the velites were overthrown and retreated along the northern slope with losses. Flamininus immediately sent 500 Aetolian horsemen Eupolemus and Archedamus and 1000 Aetolian infantrymen to the pass under the command of 2 Roman tribunes. The crumpled Macedonians retreated from the ridge to the tops of the hills and turned to the king for help. Philip sent the most mobile and maneuverable part of the army to the pass. The Macedonian cavalry of Leontes (1000 horsemen), the Thessalian cavalry of Heraclides (100 horsemen) and mercenaries under the command of Athenagoras - 1500 Greek peltasts and light armed men and perhaps 2000 thralls - entered the battle. With these forces, the Macedonians overthrew the Roman and Aetolian infantry and drove them down the slope, and the Aetolian cavalry, strong in scattered battle, grappled with the Macedonians and Thessalians.

The arriving messengers told Philip that the enemy was fleeing, unable to resist, and the opportunity simply could not be missed - this was his day and his happiness. Philip gathered his remaining troops. He himself led the right wing of the army to the ridge: the right wing of the phalanx (8,000 phalangites), 2,000 peltasts and 2,000 Thracians. On the crest of the hills, the king reorganized his troops from the marching order, deploying to the left of the pass and occupying the height dominant above the pass.

dissatisfied with the inevitability and suddenness of the battle, Titus lined up an army: cavalry detachments and allied troops on the flanks, Roman legions in the center. In front, 3,800 velites lined up in loose formation for cover. He led the left wing of the army - on the right is the 2nd legion, to the left is the 2nd allied army, in front is all the light infantry, the Aetolians, probably on the flank of the legion (a total of 6,000 heavily armed, about 3,800 velites and up to 4,000 Aetolians) - stood in the center and led to the aid of the defeated Aetolians. The right wing, in front of which a line of bishops stood instead of velites, remained in place.

Flaminin, without withdrawing the lightly armed maniples behind the line, attacked the enemy. The Romans approached the Macedonians who were beating the light infantry and Aetolian cavalry, the velites threw pilums and began to cut with swords. The Romans again had the numerical superiority. Now about 8,000 infantry and 700 horsemen fought against 3,500 - 5,500 infantry and 2,000 horsemen. The ranks of Macedonian and Thessalian cavalry and lightly armed soldiers, mixed in pursuit, could not withstand the blow and rolled back to the top under the protection of Philip.

The king doubled the depth of the phalanx and peltasts and closed their ranks to the right, making room for the deployment of the left flank rising to the ridge. The right wing of the phalanx was lined up in 32 ranks of 128 people. Philip stood at the head of the peltasts, the Thracians stood on the right flank, and the retreating lightly armed infantry and cavalry deployed even further to the right. On the left, the right wing of the phalanx was not covered either by the left wing of the phalanx (it rose next in the marching formation) or by peltasts. The Macedonian army was ready for battle - 10,000 in formation, up to 7,000 in loose formation, 2,000 horsemen. Titus Quinctius Flamininus let the lightly armed infantry pass between the ranks of the maniples, rearranged the heavy infantry in a checkerboard formation and led them into the attack - 6,000 in formation, up to 8,000 in loose formation, up to 700 horsemen. Philip ordered the sarissas to be lowered, and the phalanx bristled with the dagger tips of the sarissas.

The Romans, accustomed to overturning the barbarian phalanx with a hail of pilums, stumbled upon an impenetrable wall. 10 sarissas were aimed at the chest of each legionnaire, which inflicted deep bleeding wounds, and the Romans fell onto the rocky ground wet from the rain, unable to even cause damage to the Macedonians. And the phalanx walked forward at an even pace, the Macedonians stabbed forward with their sarissas at the ready, and only sudden resistance to the spear sent forward meant for the warrior of the fifth or sixth rank that he had hit the enemy. Having met resistance, the 2nd Legion and its allies with the Aetolians began to roll back. The Aetolians still tried to fight the phalanx, but the demoralized Romans simply ran.

The battle was, in essence, lost by the Romans. King Philip advanced quickly. On the right flank of the right wing of the Macedonians rushing forward, there were peltasts, light weapons and mercenaries in order under the command of Athenagoras. There, Heraclides and Leontes, the best cavalry in the Balkans, were put in order. Nikanor Elephas led the left wing of the phalanx to the crest of the hills, lowered it down and successively deployed the left wing of the phalanx into a battle line.

In order to preserve the battle formations of the right wing, the Romans would have to let past the remnants of the 2nd legion pursued by the Macedonian cavalry and meet the blow of the rebuilt front of the phalangites, who, under the leadership of the king, had just defeated the enemy and to which the fresh left wing of the phalanx was attached.

Flaminin did not wait for defeat, but turned his horse and rode to the right wing, which alone could save the situation. And at that moment the consular drew attention to the formation of the Macedonian army: the left wing, in marching order, crossed the crest of the hills in separate spars and began to descend from the pass in order to deploy into battle formation to the left of the pursuing king. There was no cover by cavalry and peltasts - they all marched on the right flank of Philip's successfully advancing right wing. Then Titus Quinctius Flamininus launched an attack that changed the course of the battle. He withdrew the right wing, which was standing aside from the battle, and moved the right wing (60 maniples - about 6,000 heavily armed) towards the left wing of the Macedonians, which had risen to the ridge. Elephants walked ahead of the battle formation.

This was a turning point in the battle. The phalangites, formed in marching order, did not have the opportunity to consistently turn their front towards the enemy on the narrow road and began to retreat randomly, without waiting for the strike of the elephants and the hail of pilums. Nicanor Elephas either hoped to regain control on the crest of the hills when the phalanx broke away from the Romans, or succumbed to general panic.

One of the tribunes held back 20 maniples and turned them to the rear of Philip, who continued to pursue the defeated enemy. Since these maniples did not participate in the pursuit of the fleeing (Roman discipline could not have called them back), it should be assumed that they were in the 3rd line, and these were 10 maniples of triarii and 10 maniples of principles or triarii of the allies - about 1200 in total - 1800 people (elite of the Roman legions). There was no cover on Philip's left flank - the left wing did not have time to settle in, and the light infantry remained on the right flank. 20 maniples hit the flank of Philip's advancing right wing and stopped his advance. There was no cover on the left flank, and the Macedonians found themselves in a difficult situation. The commanders were either far ahead or in the middle of the line, and could not get out. The Uragas died in the first moments of the battle. It was very difficult to turn around in a deep formation: aspis and huge sarissas worn on the elbow were useless in close combat and clung to the equipment. The linen kotfib worn by the warriors in the back ranks did little to protect against the slashing blows of the wide gladius that had recently been adopted by the legions. But even now the phalanx held on due to the density of the formation and heavy weapons, and the stopped phalangites, throwing sarissas that had become useless, fought off the Roman swordsmen attacking from the rear and flank with short xiphos. The left flank of the wing still retained the ability to spontaneously, unorganizedly change formation facing the enemy. However, the phalanx's forward movement stopped, and the Macedonian cavalry was never withdrawn from the crowd on the right flank for pursuit. When the tribunes brought the 1st Legion into order and the battle from the front resumed, the Phalangists wavered and ran.

Flaminius announced 8,000 killed and 5,000 captured Macedonians - mostly from the phalanx. Roman casualties were reported to be 700; whether the Aetolians were included in this number is unclear.

Here the obvious military leadership talent of Titus Flaminius is revealed. Realizing that he was losing, he did not try to throw his right wing at the phalangists, but turned to the left, unready wing of the phalanx. By sacrificing his left wing, he was able to defeat the enemy. When Philip got too involved in the battle, forgetting about his duty as a commander, Flaminius revealed it, attacking the phalanx from behind.

5.3 Battle of Carrhach

In June 53 BC. near Carrium a battle took place between the Romans under the leadership of Crassus and the Parthians under the command of Surena. The first had 7 legions and 4 thousand cavalry and light infantry each, the second - 10 thousand horse archers and 1 thousand cataphrates from the royal personal squad. Under threat of attacks and shelling from all sides, mainly from the flanks, the Parthians forced the Romans to first form a square. The counterattack was organized by Crassus' son, Publius, at the head of 8 cohorts, 3 thousand horsemen and 500 foot archers. However, his detachment, due to a false retreat of the Parthians, broke away from the main forces and was defeated head-on and at the same time covered from the flanks. Publius's horsemen were beaten while the rest pinned down the infantry, after which they were finally attacked by pikemen. The head of Publius was sent to King Orodes II. Crassus's own infantry was extremely constrained by archery fire. The shooting was inaccurate, but very effective, as it was fired at a dense mass. As a result, there were 4 thousand wounded with an unknown number of dead. However, the Parthian cataphracts did not play a significant role at Carrhae - the blow of the heavily armed, armored horsemen was lost in the stamina of the legionnaires. Having taken a blow to the shields, they were able to force the cataphracts to get stuck in the ranks and only a retreat saved the warriors of the king of Parthia from death. But the climatic factor also played a role in the defeat of the Romans - Crassus’ army was composed mainly of Italics, and in the summer the heat in Mesopotamia reached 38 degrees. On the march with a load of more than 50 kg and a lack of water, the soldiers quickly got tired.

The cataphracts retreated, and mounted riflemen began to cover the Roman quadrangle on all sides. The Roman light infantry sent forward tried to push them back, but the Parthians, retreating a little, showered them with arrows and drove them back into the square. Following this, a hail of arrows struck the closed ranks of the legions. The Romans were horrified to discover that the Parthian arrows were piercing their armor. For some time there was hope that the supply of arrows would dry up, and then it would be possible to force hand-to-hand combat on the Parthians. But the Parthians had a full convoy in reserve with five times the usual supply of arrows; time after time, when they ran out of arrows, the mounted riflemen retreated back, took a new supply and returned. Crassus decided to counterattack with a reserve in order to retreat to a more advantageous position under its cover. Crassus' son Publius with 1 thousand Gallic horsemen, 300 light infantry, 500 foot archers and 8 cohorts of heavy infantry rushed at the Parthian archers. They began to retreat. But when Publius broke away from the main forces, he was attacked from all sides by the Parthians, supported by the cataphracts. They were answered, the Gallic mercenary cavalry struck back. The spears of the Gauls could not pierce the scaly armor of the cataphracts, but, coming into hand-to-hand combat, they threw the riders off their horses, tore spears out of their hands, dismounted, dived under the armor of the horses and ripped open their bellies. In the battle, Publius was wounded and the Gauls, surrounding the commander, occupied one of the hills, but they were not allowed to retreat, they were surrounded and destroyed. Five hundred people from the Gaul detachment survived. Publius was killed, his head was shown to his father and the rest of the army. With darkness the battle died down. Surena invited Crassus to surrender, promised him life and gave him a night to mourn the death of his son. At night, Crassus lost self-control, and with it control of his troops. The military council decided to leave the wounded and retreat under cover of darkness. The cavalry, having learned of the decision, left immediately to avoid chaos during the night retreat. Passing by the city of Carra, she warned the sentries on the walls about the disaster and went further to the border. Soon Surena discovered that Crassus was hiding in Carrhae with the remnants of the army. The Romans again decided to leave under cover of darkness. Their guide, who was in the Parthians' pay, led the Roman column into the swamp. Surena, on behalf of his king, proposed a truce to the confused Romans. The Roman army began to put pressure on Crassus to accept this proposal. Crassus went to negotiate, but was killed during them. His head and right hand were cut off. Some of the Roman troops surrendered, some managed to escape, many of those who fled were caught and killed by local nomads. The Romans lost up to 20 thousand killed and up to 10 thousand captured. There is no mention of Parthian losses in the sources.

So, Crassus’ mistakes were simple and lay on the very surface.

He did not conduct any reconnaissance, conducting his campaign spontaneously without being guided by any data.

Crassus needed to delay his campaign for several months or one year until reconnaissance and spies conveyed at least a small amount of information about the enemy. Conduct reconnaissance with small forces, checking the possibility of resistance of the Roman cohorts to the enemy. Based on the results of reconnaissance in force, draw conclusions and options for confronting enemy cavalry. Then, relying on the features of the landscape and terrain, force the Parthians into a general battle, when the cavalry would be caught in a pincer movement between several legions at once, and limit the Parthian cavalry’s ability to quickly retreat and maneuver. Defeat one of the armies and distract the rest by showing the wrong direction. Afterwards, strike quickly at the capital and, if provided, the opportunity to take it, which would inevitably lead to the fall of the Parthian state (the ruler was absent at that time, and there was no chance of organizing sufficient resistance)

Conclusion

The army played a very significant role in Roman history. She shaped society itself, its entire inner strength and all the innovations. Thanks to her, Rome went down in history, from a small city becoming a gigantic empire spread across the vast Mediterranean coast.

Rome was strong with its social structure, but the legions that marched across the lands of Europe played an important role in preserving the memory of this empire. The legions created this empire with their own hands, seizing lands throughout the Mediterranean basin.

In our time, the device that the army of Rome had is still considered the best and time-tested. The Roman army was perfect; it not only won easily, but also, having been defeated, learned from its mistakes. An example of this is the Punic Wars and the victory of Scipio Africanus at Zama. Based on the mistakes of his predecessors (defeats at Cannae, Trebia, Lake Trasimene), he was able, based on the results and results of the First Punic War, to defeat the superior army of Hannibal. Rome, based on the experience of countless battles, developed universal combat tactics and chose the best weapons suitable for it.

The Roman fleet, which became a force during the Punic War, was the most powerful fleet in antiquity.

In addition, the legions were an army not only for times of war; during the years of peace, the legions also dealt with matters important for the entire empire.

All this attracted a lot of interest to the Roman army, both from contemporary neighbors and from current researchers. Many of them sought to understand how everything worked and convey it to their descendants as accurately as possible.

And now we have at our disposal the immortal works of ancient authors who have made an immeasurable contribution to modern research. Our contemporaries, relying on all the same authors, strive for understanding, with every opportunity wanting to recreate what is described. But all the information in the authors’ works largely contradicts each other. And that is why there have been disputes about certain details for a long time. Therefore, the main method of producing new ideas in this section is considered to be the theoretical presentation and understanding of the archaeological data already available to scientists, new finds and reports from the authors.

The study of this section itself is very interesting, as it allows you to learn not just the features of the army, but the uniqueness of the army that, with its strength and power, created the greatest state of the ancient century that ever existed in this era. The history of Rome itself encourages us to learn as much as possible about the army, through which this great state was created.

Bibliography

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21.Electronic sources

22.#"center"> Application

Rice. 1. Formation of the heavily armed infantry of the Roman Legion according to G. Delbrück a-v. (a - formation before the battle; b - rebuilding of the maniples of each line before a collision with the enemy; c - starting position before the infantry clash) Reconstruction by P. Connolly.

Rice. 3 Ballista.

Rice. 4. Scorpio.

Rice. 5. Onager (A - sea onager, based on ships; B - standard small legion onager, onagers used during siege are 2-3 times larger than this one)

Start of the battle:

Completion:

Rice. 6. Battle of Cannes

Rice. 7. Battle of Kinoscephalae.

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Military organization The Roman Republic was based on the principle of compulsory and universal military service for citizens (see § 14). The right to serve in the army - and, consequently, the opportunity to count on a share of military spoils and land plots - was even an honorable right of a citizen. This structure of the army was one of the important guarantees of the subordination of the legions to the popular authorities and magistrates, a guarantee of the inseparability of the army and the Roman community.

At the turn of the II-I centuries. BC e. The first important shift occurred in the organization of the Roman army. After the Allied Wars and the granting of citizenship rights to the majority of the Italian population, the allies received the right to serve in the legions on an equal basis with the Romans, and soon they began to make up up to 2/3 of all legions. The quantitative increase in those able to serve in the army led to the gradual replacement of compulsory service with voluntary service - based on recruitment, which was carried out by special overseers. A special part of the army began to consist of auxiliary troops recruited from provinces outside Italy. As a result reforms of Gaius Maria (107 BC), caused, among other things, by difficulties with recruitment into the main legions, everyone began to be taken into the Roman army (citizens and non-citizens, including bankrupts and slaves); old licensing principles are a thing of the past. The troops began to be paid increased and regular salaries, and switched to state supplies of weapons and equipment. Although conscription was not formally abolished, a transition to a standing army actually took place.

The final transition to a professional army took place during the period of the Principate. Volunteers were recruited into the legions from among any residents of the empire, citizens and non-citizens. For their service, in addition to the usual salary and awards, veterans were given land plots in the provinces. For a professional army, the commander, the head of the army (especially the successful and generous one) began to be of greater value than, in fact, subordination to state authorities. This contributed to the establishment of a regime of personal power and, ultimately, a military monarchy. In addition, under Augustus the army as a whole was divided into territorial (legions in the provinces) and internal. The core of the latter consisted of specially recruited - already, as a rule, from non-Romans - 9 thousandth detachments and horse guards - the so-called cohors praetoria, or praetorians. These selected units, subordinate to Roman officers and the emperor personally, became the main support of his power, sometimes influencing political decisions and the fate of the emperor’s heirs.

Under Emperor Septimius Severus (2nd century), the Praetorians became even more detached from the state organization and the Roman population. They stopped recruiting Italians, and the way was opened for promotions from the provinces to the officer positions of centurions. Soldiers were allowed to marry and live with family outside the camp. The salaries of legionnaires increased significantly; many officers now had significant fortunes and formed special clubs and collegiums that served to unite the army only around the profitable, “soldier emperors.”

Obviously, such an army could not be significant in size and provide new political and military tasks for the empire. Under Diocletian, recruitment of soldiers from the latifundists was introduced; barbarian mercenaries began to be regularly recruited to serve in the Roman army. This contributed, on the one hand, to reconciliation with border peoples and semi-states, and on the other, to the erosion of the military-political unity of the empire. The army became a completely independent force, the organization and actions of which were increasingly moving away from the state administration.

At the beginning of the 4th century. The organization of the army changed even more in the direction of increasing the role of non-Roman mercenaries. A small part of the army (in total from the 3rd century up to 72 legions and 600 thousand soldiers) were citizens of the empire. The majority were mercenaries from the allied peoples (the so-called federals) or from the semi-free population. The barbarization of the army led to the fact that even the praetorian cohorts, the personal guard of the emperor, were recruited from the newcomer population, who had no attachment, other than profit, to Rome and to the tasks of the state. Barbarians began to make up the majority of officers and even senior commanders. Many legions were built in the traditions of organization not of the Roman army, but according to the fighting skills of the allied peoples - mainly the Danube and Germanic tribes. There were often cases when such an army preferred to manifest itself not in military operations, but in resolving political affairs and deposing emperors. The participation of the army in palace coups became perhaps the most important indicator of the general political crisis of the Roman Empire by the 5th century.

The army became one of the accelerators of the objective collapse of the Roman Empire. At the end of the 4th century. (395) the eastern part became completely isolated under the name of Byzantium, laying the foundation for its own thousand-year statehood (see § 40). The fate of the western part of the empire, centered in Rome, turned out differently.

At the beginning of the 5th century. The Roman Empire began to experience constant pressure from nomadic tribes and Germanic peoples from the north, pushed by the Great Migration of Peoples, which stirred up in the 4th-5th centuries. Asia and Europe. The social crisis within the empire itself and the collapse of the military organization made Rome incapable of real resistance to new forces. In 410, the army of the Visigoth tribe, led by the leader Alaric, destroyed the city, and power in the Western Empire came under the control of the German leaders. The capital of the empire was the small northern Italian city of Ravenna. The empire gradually disintegrated, only Italy and part of the Gallic provinces remained under the rule of the emperors. In 476, the German leader Odoacer dethroned the last Roman emperor, who, by a strange quirk of history, was also named Romulus. The Western Roman Empire and its thousand-year-old statehood ceased to exist.

ALLIED WAR

The death of Drusus clearly showed the Italians that all ways of legally satisfying their demands had been exhausted. The last path remained - uprising. Apparently, even before the murder of Drusus, secret alliances existed among the disenfranchised population of Italy, whose task was to achieve citizenship rights. Now these unions have turned into militant organizations.

The uprising broke out at the end of 91 for an accidental reason and began somewhat prematurely. Praetor Gaius Servilius, having learned that the inhabitants of the city of Asculum in Picenum were exchanging hostages with neighboring communities, came to the city with a small detachment. He addressed the residents gathered in the theater with a defiant speech full of threats. This played the role of a spark falling into a barrel of gunpowder. The crowd here in the theater killed the praetor and his legate, after which all the Romans in the city were killed and their property was plundered.

The Asculans were immediately joined by the mountain tribes of the Marsi, Peligni, Vestini and others. The leading role among them was played by the brave Marsi led by Quintus Poppaedius Silo, a close friend of the late Drusus. The second leader of this northern group was the Picenian Gaius Vidacilius.

Following the example of the northern federation, the southern one was formed, which included the Samnites, Lucans and other tribes of southern Italy with their leaders Gaius Papius Mutilus, Pontius Telesinus and others.

However, before moving on to open hostilities, the leaders of the uprising made a last attempt at reconciliation. They sent a delegation to Rome and promised to lay down their arms if the rebels were given citizenship rights. The Roman government refused. At the suggestion of the tribune Quintus Varius and with the support mainly of the horsemen, a criminal commission was created to deal with cases of high treason. She was entrusted with the investigation of a conspiracy allegedly organized by Drusus, which resulted in an uprising. Investigations and trials began, from which many people who were or were considered supporters of Drusus suffered. At the same time, both hostile camps were vigorously preparing for war.

The so-called "Allied" (or "Martian") War was one of the most formidable uprisings that Rome had to deal with throughout its history. The uprising broke out in Italy itself, and its center was in close proximity to Rome. It covered most of the peninsula. Only Umbria and Etruria remained unaffected by the uprising, where the land and monetary aristocracy, which sided with Rome, was strong. In Campania and in the south, only the allied Greek cities remained loyal to the Romans: Nola, Naples, Rhegium, Tarentum, etc. Most of the Latin colonies also did not join the uprising. But compared to the area covered by the movement, this was not much.

The rebel troops totaled about 100 thousand people - the same number as the Romans deployed (not counting the garrisons in the fortresses). At the same time, the Italians were in no way inferior to their opponents in military art and weapons. As for courage, fortitude and devotion to the common cause, in this they were significantly superior to Roman citizenship and auxiliary provincial troops. They had no shortage of talented commanders and experienced officers. We must not forget that the Italics went through the same harsh military school in the allied forces as the Romans, and since the time of Marius, many of them served on an equal basis with citizens and in the legions.

The Italics, who fell away from Rome, created their own state organization, reminiscent of the Roman one. The capital of the general Italian federation was made the city of Corfinium in the region of Peligni, in the very center of the uprising. It was called Italy. Here was the government: a Senate of 500 members and officials - 2 consuls and 12 praetors. Apparently, there was also a national assembly, but it is not clear who it consisted of: permanent representatives of the communities that were part of the federation, or from all citizens of the federation, since they could practically gather in Corfinium. The answer to this question (a similar question can be asked in relation to the Senate) would be very important, since it would make it possible to answer another question: whether the representative principle of government was applied in the new Italian federation, or whether it was built according to the old type of federation of policies. The latter seems more likely to us.

The Italic state issued coins according to the Roman model, but with the legend “Italy”. (One of these coins depicts a bull, the totem of the Samnite tribes, trampling a Roman she-wolf.)

The rebel military forces consisted of detachments of individual communities, united in two groups: the northern (Martian), commanded by Poppaedius Silo, and the southern (Samnite) led by Papias Mutilus.

One of Rome's main advantages in this war was that it had an old centralized state organization and old management skills, while the Italian federation was young and decentralized. The war on the part of the Italians often took on the character of a large guerrilla struggle, which had its weaknesses, since the Romans, acting in large military masses, beat the rebels one by one. The territory of the uprising was rarely continuous: it was interspersed with numerous civilian and Latin colonies. The former always, and the latter in most cases, were the support of Rome, and the Italians had to spend a lot of effort and time on their siege. The weakest point of the Italians was their lack of internal unity. The rich and aristocratic strata were drawn to Rome. The Samnite tribes were the most irreconcilable and continued the struggle the longest and most stubbornly. The lack of unity among the rebels, as we will see below, made it easier for the Romans to crush the movement.

The periodization of the allied war is naturally determined by the course of the uprising: its upward curve falls in the 90th year, its downward curve in the 89th. By 88, the uprising was suppressed in most areas.

The first year of the war was marked by great setbacks for the Romans. Military operations, which began in the winter of 91/90, unfolded on a large scale in the spring and summer. The first target of attack was the Roman fortresses located on the territory of the uprising. Almost immediately a field war began. The southern Roman army, under the command of the consul Lucius Julius Caesar (one of his legates was Sulla), operated in Campania and Samnium. At the first attempt at an offensive, the Romans were repulsed by the Samnites with heavy losses. The result of this defeat was the transition to the side of the rebels of the large city of Venafra on the border of Latium and Samnium. This made it easier for the rebels to besiege the fortress-colony of Ezernia in northern Samnium, which capitulated a few months later due to lack of food. The Samnites, led by Mutilus, invaded Campania, which caused a number of Campanian cities to join the movement: Nola, Salerno, Pompeii, Herculaneus, Stabius, etc.

At the same time, military operations took place in the northern theater. The second Roman consul, Publius Rutilius Lupus, operated here. Among his legates were Marius, who had returned from the East, and Gnaeus Pompey Strabo, the father of Gnaeus Pompey, the future rival of Gaius Julius Caesar. In June 90, the Marsi unexpectedly attacked the consul while crossing the river. Tholen in the former region of the Equis. The Romans lost 8 thousand people, including the consul himself. Only Marius, who replaced Lupus as commander-in-chief, managed to improve the dangerous situation that had arisen in the immediate vicinity of Rome.

Strabo was active in Picenum at this time. At first he was defeated and was locked up in the city of Firma. This made it possible for the northern rebel army to transfer part of its forces to the south. Vidacilius invaded Apulia and forced a number of large cities to come over to his side: Venusia, Canusia, etc. Meanwhile, the situation in Picenum improved. The united Roman forces managed to free Strabo and trap the rebels in Asculum.

The Roman failures of the first months of the war were reflected even in the mood of the Umbrian and Etruscan communities: some of them joined the uprising, others hesitated. Panic rumors circulated in Rome. On the occasion of the defeat at Tolen and the death of the consul, officials were clothed in mourning.

The Roman government understood the extreme danger of the situation and decided to make concessions. At the end of 90, consul Julius Caesar passed a law (lex Julia), according to which the right of Roman citizenship was given to residents of those allied communities that had not yet separated from Rome. This law stopped the further spread of the rebellion, influencing positively the wavering Umbrian and Etruscan cities.

Another law, probably adopted at the beginning of 89, created a split among the rebels. At the proposal of the tribunes of the people Marcus Plautius Silvanus and Gaius Papirius Carbo, it was decided that each member of the union community, who within two months submitted an application to the Roman praetor about the desire to become a citizen, received the rights of Roman citizenship (lex Plautia Papiria). True, new citizens were not distributed evenly across all 35 tribes, but were enrolled in only 8 tribes. 1 This significantly diminished their legal capacity, since when voting in the tribunal comitia, new citizens always found themselves in a minority compared to the old citizenship. 2

For Cisalpine Gaul, which in this era was actually not much different from the rest of Italy, the consul of 89 Pompey Strabo passed a special law (lex Pompeia). He gave (or rather, confirmed what was already given by the law of Julius) the right of full Roman citizenship to the Latin colonies located in Cispadan Gaul, and Latin law to the communities lying on the other side of the Po, and the Gallic tribes assigned to them.

Having made the minimum necessary concessions, the Senate fought all the more energetically against those who persisted. The second year of the war was catastrophic for the Italians. Etruria and Umbria quickly calmed down. A large detachment of Mars, 15 thousand people, attempted to break through to the aid of the Etruscans, but was completely defeated by Strabo and almost completely died.

Major operations unfolded around Asculum, which had been besieged by the Romans the previous year. Vidacilius came to the rescue with an army of Piceni. A fierce battle took place under the city walls. The Romans were victorious, but Vidacilius and part of his forces managed to break into the city. The siege resumed. When the situation became hopeless a few months later, Vidacilius ordered the execution of his political opponents, that is, those who supported the agreement with Rome, and then took poison. The city surrendered to the Romans. The commanding staff and all prominent citizens were executed, the rest were expelled from the city.

The fall of Asculus had a fatal impact on the course of the uprising in central Italy. The Northern Federation was completely destroyed. First, the Marrucins and Marsi were conquered, then the Vestini and Peligni. "Italy" again turned into a modest Corfinium. After the fall of Corfinius, Poppaedius Silo armed 20 thousand slaves, and the capital of the Italian federation was moved at the beginning of 88 to the city of Ezernia in Samnium. Meanwhile, Roman troops entered Apulia. A detachment of Samnites came to the aid of the Apulians, but after some successes they were defeated; the Romans completely restored their power in Apulia.

In the south, Sulla, who replaced Caesar, acted with great skill and merciless cruelty. His army penetrated into southern Campania. Pompeii, Herculaneus and Stabiae were taken. Sulla moved to Samnium, which was the main stronghold of the movement, and forced the main city of the Samnites, Bovian, to surrender.

By the beginning of 88, the uprising held only in the city of Nola in Campania and in certain areas of Samnium, Lucania and Bruttium. At this difficult moment for them, the rebels entered into relations with the king of the Pontic kingdom, Mithridates VI, who began a war against Rome in Asia Minor. But Mithridates could not provide them with direct assistance, and it was already too late. Although in some places the uprising lasted until 82, it was mostly defeated by 88.

Sulla, elected consul in 88, began the siege of Nola, but at this time major events broke out in Rome that prevented the siege from being completed.

The end of the Allied War and the outbreak of the uprising in the east extremely aggravated all the old contradictions, adding new ones to them. A severe economic crisis broke out in Rome. Many people found themselves in debt, and the creditors were relentless, since the horsemen had lost a lot as a result of the fall of the east and now did not want to make any concessions.

Back in 1989, an incident occurred that showed the extent to which passions ran high. The city praetor Aulus Sempronius Azellion, yielding to the pleas of the debtors, tried to soften their situation by deferring payments. In addition, he renewed the old laws against usury, which in fact had not been observed for a long time. The angry creditors attacked the praetor while he was making a sacrifice in the forum and killed him.

But debtors and creditors were not the only ones in the ranks of the dissatisfied. The Italians also belonged to them, although they received citizenship rights, but were enrolled only in 8 tribes. A significant part of the Italians did not receive any rights at all (these were those rebel communities that refused to submit and submitted only to the force of arms). Maria's veterans, who were still waiting for the land plots promised to them, were also embittered. Marius, who reappeared on the political horizon, failed to truly prove himself in the Allied War and had to give up first place to Sulla.

To all these internal difficulties were added very serious external complications.